Saturday, June 30, 2012
Presidential Nominations and Withdrawal Sent to the Senate
NOMINATIONS SENT TO THE SENATE:
Camila Ann Alire, of Colorado, to be a Member of the National Council on the Humanities for a term expiring January 26, 2018, vice Allen C. Guelzo, term expired.
Ramón Saldívar, of California, to be a Member of the National Council on the Humanities for a term expiring January 26, 2018, vice Wilfred M. McClay, term expired.
WITHDRAWAL SENT TO THE SENATE:
Timothy M. Broas, of Maryland, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, which was sent to the Senate on April 26, 2012.
Camila Ann Alire, of Colorado, to be a Member of the National Council on the Humanities for a term expiring January 26, 2018, vice Allen C. Guelzo, term expired.
Ramón Saldívar, of California, to be a Member of the National Council on the Humanities for a term expiring January 26, 2018, vice Wilfred M. McClay, term expired.
WITHDRAWAL SENT TO THE SENATE:
Timothy M. Broas, of Maryland, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, which was sent to the Senate on April 26, 2012.
Sean Hannity Glenn Beck Rush Limbaugh Hillary Clinton Tea Party
Remarks by the President After Viewing Wildfire Damage -- Colorado, Springs, CO
Fire Station No. 9
Colorado Springs, CO
1:35 P.M. MDT
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we just had a chance to tour some of the damage that’s been done by this devastating fire. I’ve had a chance to thank Mayor Bach as well as Governor Hickenlooper. And the entire congressional delegation, members of the fire service, the Forest Service, as well as local fire officials have gotten a full briefing.
I think what you see here is an example of outstanding coordination and cooperation between federal, state and local agencies. We have been putting everything we have into trying to deal with what’s one of the worst fires that we’ve seen here in Colorado. And it’s still early in the fire season, and we still got a lot more work to do. But because of the outstanding work that’s been done, because of not only the coordination but also some unprecedented arrangements that have been made with military resources combined with the civil resources, we’re starting to see progress.
Obviously, as you saw in the some of these subdivisions, the devastation is enormous. And our thoughts and prayers go out to all the families who have been affected.
One of the things that I’ve tried to emphasize is that whether it’s fires in Colorado or flooding in the northern parts of Florida, when natural disasters like this hit, America comes together. And we all recognize that there but for the grace of God, go I. We’ve got to make sure that we have each other’s backs. And that spirit is what you’re seeing in terms of volunteers, in terms of firefighters, in terms of government officials. Everybody is pulling together to try to deal with this situation.
Now, as I said, we’re not completely out of the woods yet. These folks, some of them have been working 18-hour days, 20-hour days, trying to make sure that these fires get put out. They’re going to be carefully monitoring the situation, and ultimately they’re going to need a little bit of help from Mother Nature in order to fully extinguish these fires.
In the meantime, some lessons are being learned about how we can mitigate some of these fires in the future, and I know that the Mayor and Governor, and other local officials are already in those conversations. It means that hopefully, out of this tragedy, some long-term planning occurs, and it may be that we can curb some of the damage that happens the next time, even though you obviously can’t fully control fires that are starting up in these mountains.
Last point I just want to make -- and that is that we can provide all the resources, we can make sure that they’re well-coordinated, but as I just told these firefighters, what we can do is to provide them with the courage and the determination and the professionalism, the heart that they show when they’re out there battling these fires.
When we had a chance on site to see some guys who had just saved three homes in a community that had been devastated, for those families, the work and the sacrifice of those firefighters means the world to them, and they are genuine heroes.
And so we want to just say thank you to all the folks who have been involved in this. We’re proud of you. We appreciate what you do each and every day. And so for folks all around the country, I hope you are reminded of how important our fire departments are, our Forest Service is. Sometimes they don’t get the credit that they deserve until your house is burning down, or your community is being threatened. And you have to understand they’re putting their lives at risk to save us and to help us. We’ve got to make sure that we remember that 365 days a year, not just when tragedies like this strike.
Thank you very much, everybody.
END
1:39 P.M. MDT
Colorado Springs, CO
1:35 P.M. MDT
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we just had a chance to tour some of the damage that’s been done by this devastating fire. I’ve had a chance to thank Mayor Bach as well as Governor Hickenlooper. And the entire congressional delegation, members of the fire service, the Forest Service, as well as local fire officials have gotten a full briefing.
I think what you see here is an example of outstanding coordination and cooperation between federal, state and local agencies. We have been putting everything we have into trying to deal with what’s one of the worst fires that we’ve seen here in Colorado. And it’s still early in the fire season, and we still got a lot more work to do. But because of the outstanding work that’s been done, because of not only the coordination but also some unprecedented arrangements that have been made with military resources combined with the civil resources, we’re starting to see progress.
Obviously, as you saw in the some of these subdivisions, the devastation is enormous. And our thoughts and prayers go out to all the families who have been affected.
One of the things that I’ve tried to emphasize is that whether it’s fires in Colorado or flooding in the northern parts of Florida, when natural disasters like this hit, America comes together. And we all recognize that there but for the grace of God, go I. We’ve got to make sure that we have each other’s backs. And that spirit is what you’re seeing in terms of volunteers, in terms of firefighters, in terms of government officials. Everybody is pulling together to try to deal with this situation.
Now, as I said, we’re not completely out of the woods yet. These folks, some of them have been working 18-hour days, 20-hour days, trying to make sure that these fires get put out. They’re going to be carefully monitoring the situation, and ultimately they’re going to need a little bit of help from Mother Nature in order to fully extinguish these fires.
In the meantime, some lessons are being learned about how we can mitigate some of these fires in the future, and I know that the Mayor and Governor, and other local officials are already in those conversations. It means that hopefully, out of this tragedy, some long-term planning occurs, and it may be that we can curb some of the damage that happens the next time, even though you obviously can’t fully control fires that are starting up in these mountains.
Last point I just want to make -- and that is that we can provide all the resources, we can make sure that they’re well-coordinated, but as I just told these firefighters, what we can do is to provide them with the courage and the determination and the professionalism, the heart that they show when they’re out there battling these fires.
When we had a chance on site to see some guys who had just saved three homes in a community that had been devastated, for those families, the work and the sacrifice of those firefighters means the world to them, and they are genuine heroes.
And so we want to just say thank you to all the folks who have been involved in this. We’re proud of you. We appreciate what you do each and every day. And so for folks all around the country, I hope you are reminded of how important our fire departments are, our Forest Service is. Sometimes they don’t get the credit that they deserve until your house is burning down, or your community is being threatened. And you have to understand they’re putting their lives at risk to save us and to help us. We’ve got to make sure that we remember that 365 days a year, not just when tragedies like this strike.
Thank you very much, everybody.
END
1:39 P.M. MDT
Charlie Crist Scott Brown Congressional Budget Office Michael Steele John Boehner
Statement by the President on National HIV Testing Day
National HIV Testing Day highlights the importance of HIV testing and the fight against HIV/AIDS. Of the over 1.1 million Americans living with HIV, more than 200,000 are unaware of their infection, and may unknowingly be transmitting the virus to others. Knowing your HIV status is a vital step toward accessing life-extending treatment for HIV, and thanks to ongoing research, that treatment is more effective than ever.
In July 2010, my Administration released the National HIV/AIDS Strategy, which emphasizes the goals of reducing infections, improving health outcomes, and reducing HIV-related health disparities. Two years into its implementation, the Strategy continues to focus Federal, State, and local efforts on improving the delivery of HIV/AIDS services, including expanding outreach, testing, linkage to care, and treatment.
Testing remains a special priority – and thanks to quick and accurate tests, finding out your HIV status has never been easier. The Affordable Care Act now requires many health insurance plans to provide recommended preventive health services with no out of pocket costs, giving millions of Americans better access to HIV testing. Another CDC program, the Expanding Testing Initiative, has conducted 2.8 million tests in its first three years. Together, these and other efforts will help prevent new infections and ensure that people living with HIV lead healthy lives – moving us towards our goal of an AIDS-free generation.
In July 2010, my Administration released the National HIV/AIDS Strategy, which emphasizes the goals of reducing infections, improving health outcomes, and reducing HIV-related health disparities. Two years into its implementation, the Strategy continues to focus Federal, State, and local efforts on improving the delivery of HIV/AIDS services, including expanding outreach, testing, linkage to care, and treatment.
Testing remains a special priority – and thanks to quick and accurate tests, finding out your HIV status has never been easier. The Affordable Care Act now requires many health insurance plans to provide recommended preventive health services with no out of pocket costs, giving millions of Americans better access to HIV testing. Another CDC program, the Expanding Testing Initiative, has conducted 2.8 million tests in its first three years. Together, these and other efforts will help prevent new infections and ensure that people living with HIV lead healthy lives – moving us towards our goal of an AIDS-free generation.
Statement by the Press Secretary on H.R. 6064
On Friday, June 29, 2012, the President signed into law:
H.R. 6064, the Temporary Surface Transportation Extension Act of 2012, which provides funding for programs funded from the Highway Trust Fund (HTF) for the period June 30, 2012, through July 6, 2012; extends the authority to make expenditures from the HTF for HTF-financed programs through July 6, 2012; authorizes the Secretary of Education to delay the origination and disbursement of Federal Direct Stafford loans until the date of enactment of MAP-21 but only until July 6, 2012.
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H.R. 6064, the Temporary Surface Transportation Extension Act of 2012, which provides funding for programs funded from the Highway Trust Fund (HTF) for the period June 30, 2012, through July 6, 2012; extends the authority to make expenditures from the HTF for HTF-financed programs through July 6, 2012; authorizes the Secretary of Education to delay the origination and disbursement of Federal Direct Stafford loans until the date of enactment of MAP-21 but only until July 6, 2012.
###
Remarks by the First Lady at the African Methodist Episcopal Church Conference
Gaylord Opryland Resort
Nashville, Tennessee
11:05 A.M. CDT
MRS. OBAMA: Oh, my, my, my. (Applause.) Please, you all rest yourselves. Thank you so much. Let me tell you, it is such a pleasure and an honor to join you today in Nashville for your 2012 General Conference.
I want to start by thanking Bishop McKenzie for her introduction. And I want to honor her for the history she’s made --
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Amen!
MRS. OBAMA: Absolutely. (Applause.) For the example she has set and for her inspired leadership in this church.
I also want to thank Mayor Dean for his service to this city and for taking the time to join us here today.
And finally, I want to thank all of the bishops, pastors, and lay leaders in AME churches here in America and around the world. (Applause.)
You all are part of a proud tradition, one that dates back to the founding of that first AME Church and the founding of this nation and has shaped its history every day since. You all know the story -- how back in the late 1700s, a man named Richard Allen bought his freedom from slavery -- (applause) -- became a minister, and eventually founded a Methodist church called Bethel Church – or “Mother Bethel” as we know it today. That first AME church was located in a blacksmith’s shop, and that first congregation had just a few dozen members.
But there’s a reason why one pastor called Bethel’s founding “a Liberty bell for black folks.” (Applause.) There’s a reason why W.E.B. Dubois said that Bethel Church “belongs to the history of the nation rather than to any one city.”
You see, before long, that little church had grown to 1,000 members, and soon, AME Churches were cropping up all across this country. Over the years, these churches served as stops on the Underground Railroad. (Applause.) They founded universities that educated generations of black leaders. They hosted civil rights marches, meetings and rallies, even under the threat of being vandalized, bombed or burned to the ground. Icons like Frederick Douglas and Rosa Parks, leaders like Jim Clyburn, trailblazers like Oliver Brown of Brown v. Board of Education, Ernest Green of the Little Rock Nine -- they all worshipped at AME churches. (Applause.)
So did many of the quiet heroes who never made the headlines –- the maids walking home in Montgomery, the young people riding those buses in Jackson, the men and women who stood up and sat-in because they wanted something better for their children.
I know that I am here today because of those heroes. (Applause.) My husband is in the White House today because of them. (Applause.) Because of those heroes, today my daughters and all our children and grandchildren can grow up dreaming of being doctors and lawyers, CEOs and senators, and yes, maybe even the President of the United States of America. (Applause.)
That is the legacy of the AME church –- and of African American churches and denominations across the country. But let’s be clear, a legacy is not an end unto itself. (Applause.) As another pioneering AME woman, Dr. Jamye Coleman Williams, once said -- (applause) -- she said, “You do the best you can and try to leave a legacy, but somebody has to carry it on.” (Applause.)
And that’s what I want to talk with you about today. I want to talk about how we carry on the legacy that is our inheritance as Americans, as African Americans, and as members of the AME church. I want to talk about what we can learn from our history about the power of being an active, engaged citizen in our democracy.
Now, back when Frederick Douglas was still working on a plantation, back when Rosa Parks was still riding that segregated bus, the injustices we faced were written in big, bold letters on the face of our laws. And while we may have had our differences over strategy, the battles we needed to fight were very clear. We knew that to end slavery, we needed a proclamation from our President, an amendment to our Constitution. To end segregation, we needed the Supreme Court to overturn the lie of “separate but equal”. To reach the ballot box, we needed Congress to pass the Voting Rights Act.
So yes, we moved forward and we won those battles, and we made progress that our parents and grandparents could never have imagined. But today, while there are no more “whites only” signs keeping us out, no one barring our children from the schoolhouse door, we know our journey is far from finished. (Applause.)
But in many ways, the path forward for this next generation is far less clear. I mean, what exactly do you do about children who are languishing in crumbling schools, graduating from high school unprepared for college or a job? And what about the 40 percent of black children who are overweight or obese, or the nearly one in two who are on track to develop diabetes in their lifetimes? What about all those kids growing up in neighborhoods where they don’t feel safe; kids who never have opportunities worthy of their promise? What court case do we bring on their behalf? What laws do we pass for them?
You see, today, the connection between our laws and our lives isn’t always as clear as it was 50 years or 150 years ago. And as a result, it’s sometimes easy to assume that the battles in our courts and legislatures have all been won. It’s tempting to turn our focus to what’s going on in our own lives and with our own families, and just leave it at that.
And make no mistake about it, change absolutely starts at home. (Applause.) Change absolutely starts with each of us, as individuals, taking responsibility for ourselves and our families because we know that our kids won’t grow up healthy until our families start eating right and exercising more. That’s on us. (Applause.) We know that we won’t close that education gap until we turn off the TV, and supervise homework, attend those parent-teacher conferences, and serve as good role models for our own children. That’s on us.
But while we certainly need to start at home, we all know that we cannot stop there because the fact is that our laws still matter. Much like they did 50 years ago, or 150 years ago, our laws still shape so many aspects of our lives: Whether folks are paying their fair [share of]* taxes, or not; whether we invest in roads and schools, and the jobs that come with them, or not; whether our sons and our daughters who wear our country’s uniform get the support and benefits they’ve earned, or not. You see, those decisions are made by the folks sitting in Congress and in our White House. They’re made by the folks in our state legislatures and city halls. And we all know who’s supposed to select those folks, don't we? We know who’s supposed to tell those folks what to do, right? We are. That’s our job. That is our most fundamental right and our most solemn obligation –- to cast our ballots and have our say in the laws that shape our lives.
Dr. King knew that. That’s why back in 1965, he came to Brown Chapel AME Church in Selma and declared -- (applause) -- he said, “When we get the right to vote, we will send to the statehouse not just men who will stand in the doorways of our universities…but men who will uphold the cause of justice.”
John Lewis understood the importance of that right. That’s why, just months after Dr. King’s speech, he faced down a row of billy clubs on the Edmund Pettus Bridge, risking his life so that we could one day cast our ballots. (Applause.)
But today, how many folks do we know who act like that right doesn’t even matter? How many of us have asked someone whether they’re going to vote, and tell us, “No, I voted last time,” or “Is there really an election going on? Really?”, or “Nah, nah, it’s not like my vote’s gonna make a difference.” How many times have we heard that? After so many folks sacrificed so much so that we could make our voices heard, so many of us just can’t be bothered.
But let’s be very clear, while we’re tuning out and staying home on Election Day, other folks are tuning in. (Applause.) Other folks are taking politics very seriously. And they’re engaged on every level. They’re raising money. They’re making their voices heard –- and their issues known –- from City Hall to Washington, DC. And I know that in the face of all of that money and influence, it can start to feel like ordinary citizens just can’t get a seat at the table. And that can make you feel helpless and hopeless. It can make you feel or think that you’re powerless.
But I’m here today because that’s simply not true. We are not helpless or hopeless. (Applause.) Time and again, history has shown us that there is nothing –- nothing -– more powerful than ordinary citizens coming together for a just cause. (Applause.) And that is particularly true of folks in the AME church. And I’m not just talking about the big speeches and protests that we all remember. I’m talking about everything that happens between the marches, when the speeches are over and the cameras were off. I’m talking about the thousands of hours that folks like Roy Wilkins and Daisy Bates spent strategizing in cramped offices late at night. I’m talking about the folks in Montgomery who organized carpools and gave thousands of rides to perfect strangers. I’m talking about the volunteers who set up drinking fountains and first aid stations on the Washington Mall and made 80,000 bags of lunches for folks who marched on that August day. I’m talking about the tireless, the thankless, relentless work of making change –- (applause) -- you know, the phone-calling, letter-writing, door-knocking, meeting-planning kind of work. (Applause.) That is the real work of democracy –- what happens during those quiet moments between the marches.
It’s kind of like church. Our faith journey isn’t just about showing up on Sunday for a good sermon and good music and a good meal. It’s about what we do Monday through Saturday as well -- (applause) -- especially in those quiet moments, when the spotlight’s not on us, and we’re making those daily choices about how to live our lives.
We see that in the life of Jesus Christ. Jesus didn’t limit his ministry to the four walls of the church. We know that. He was out there fighting injustice and speaking truth to power every single day. He was out there spreading a message of grace and redemption to the least, the last, and the lost. And our charge is to find Him everywhere, every day by how we live our lives.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes.
MRS. OBAMA: That is how we practice our faith.
You see, living out our eternal salvation is not a once-a-week kind of deal. (Applause.) And in a more literal sense, neither is citizenship. Democracy is also an everyday activity. And being an engaged citizen should once again be a daily part of our lives. That is how we carry on that precious legacy we've inherited -- by recommitting ourselves to that day-to-day, vitally important work that has always paved the way for change in this country.
What does that mean? That means being informed. It means following the news, and learning about who's representing us, and how our governments work. It means showing up to vote -- and not just every four years, but every year in every election. (Applause.) It means engaging with the folks we elect, following how they vote and how they spend our hard-earned tax dollars. And if you don’t like what you see, then let them know, or better yet, run for a seat at the table yourself. (Applause.)
And I know I am preaching to the choir here. I know that many of you have been active and engaged for decades. And I'm here today to urge you to continue that work and bring others along with you. Because we know that the only way to be heard above all the noise is to lift our voices up together.
So I want you to talk to your friends and your family, your neighbors. Talk to them. Talk to folks in the beauty salons, the barbershops, the parking lot at church. Tell them what's happening on the city council and out in Washington. Let them know. Find that nephew who has never voted -- get him registered. (Applause.) Start an email list or a Facebook group. Send people articles about issues you care about, and then call them to make sure they've read them.
And to anyone who says that church is no place to talk about these issues, you tell them there is no place better -- no place better. (Applause.) Because ultimately, these are not just political issues -- they are moral issues. They're issues that have to do with human dignity and human potential, and the future we want for our kids and our grandkids. And the work of inspiring and empowering folks, the work of lifting up families and communities -- that has always been the work of the AME Church. (Applause.) That’s what you all do best.
Think about it for a minute. Folks just don’t turn to all of you in times of spiritual crises. They come to you with financial crises and health crises and family crises of all kinds. That’s why AME churches are taking on issues from HIV/AIDS to childhood obesity to financial literacy. Every day, you all are giving folks the tools they need to take control of their lives and get back on their feet.
And if you're not already doing this, I'm here to ask you to take that work to the next level. So the next time you organize that food drive, pair it with a meeting at city hall and ask what they're doing to fight hunger in your community. If you've got an exercise ministry or a health ministry, maybe they can work with your town council to clear out a walk-in trailer, clean up a local park. Keep on doing that great work with your youth groups, but start showing up at those school board meetings and make sure those kids are getting the education they deserve. (Applause.) Take it to the next level.
In the end, I think that Bishop McKenzie put it best when she said -- and this is her quote -- she says, "It's a tragedy when you fail to climb the mountain of opportunity after your season of preparation." She says, "It's a tragedy when you fail to try to exercise the gifts that God has given you, even in the face of difficulty. It's a tragedy." And God has given us so many blessings and gifts, and such a long season of preparation. And after so many years of toil and struggle, it is time to climb that mountain of opportunity. It's time. (Applause.) It is time.
And I know that mountain may seem high. I know there are days when you just want to come home and put up your feet, kick back with the kids. I know that sometimes the problems we face seem so entrenched, so overwhelming that solving them seems nearly impossible. But during those dark moments, I want you to remember that doing the impossible is the root of our faith. It is the history of our people, and the lifeblood of this nation. (Applause.)
Because if a young shepherd could defeat a giant -- (applause) -- if a man could lead a band of former slaves against the most powerful city in the land until its walls tumbled down, if a simple fisherman could become the rock upon which Christ built his church -- (applause) -- then surely, we can do our part to be more active citizens.
If Ernest Green could face down an angry mob to get an education, if Rosa Parks could sit unmoved on that bus, if Richard Allen could transform a blacksmith's shop into a church that changed history, then surely -- surely -- we can get our communities more engaged in our democracy. If so many people could sacrifice so much for so long to leave this magnificent legacy for us, then surely we can find a way to carry it forward for our children and our grandchildren.
And when you grow weary in this work -- and you will -- when you think about giving up -- and you will -- I want you to think about a photo that hangs today in the West Wing of the White House.
It is a picture of a young black family visiting the President in the Oval Office. The father was a member of the White House staff, and he brought his wife and two young sons to meet my husband. In the photo, Barack is bent over at the waist -- way over. And one of the sons, a little boy just 5 years old, is reaching out his tiny hand to touch my husband's head. And it turns out that upon meeting Barack, this little boy gazed up at him longingly and said, "I want to know if my hair is like yours." (Applause.) And my husband replied, "Well, why don’t you touch it and see for yourself." So he bent way over so the little boy could feel his hair, and after touching my husband's head, the boy exclaimed, he said, "Yeah, it does feel the same." (Applause.)
And every couple of weeks, the White House photographers change out all the photos that hang in the West Wing -- except for that one. See, that one, and that one alone, has hung on that wall for more than three years.
So if you ever wonder whether change is possible in this country, I want you to think about that little black boy in the Oval Office of the White House touching the head of the first black President. (Applause.) And I want you to think about how children who see that photo today think nothing of it because that is all they've ever known, because they have grown up taking for granted that an African American can be President of the United States. (Applause.)
And I want you to think of the stories in the Bible about folks like Abel and Noah; folks like Abraham and Sarah, and the verse in Hebrews that says, "All these people were still living by faith when they died. They did not receive the things promised. They only saw them and welcomed them from a distance." (Applause.) Through so many heartbreaks and trials, those who came before us kept the faith. They could only see that promised land from a distance, but they never let it out of their sight.
And today, if we're once again willing to work for it, if we're once again willing to sacrifice for it, then I know -- I know -- we can carry that legacy forward. I know we can meet our obligations to continue that struggle. I know we can continue the work of those heroes whose shoulders we all stand on. And I know we can finish the journey they started and finally fulfill the promise of our democracy for all our children.
Thank you, and God bless. (Applause.)
END
11:32 A.M. CDT
Nashville, Tennessee
11:05 A.M. CDT
MRS. OBAMA: Oh, my, my, my. (Applause.) Please, you all rest yourselves. Thank you so much. Let me tell you, it is such a pleasure and an honor to join you today in Nashville for your 2012 General Conference.
I want to start by thanking Bishop McKenzie for her introduction. And I want to honor her for the history she’s made --
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Amen!
MRS. OBAMA: Absolutely. (Applause.) For the example she has set and for her inspired leadership in this church.
I also want to thank Mayor Dean for his service to this city and for taking the time to join us here today.
And finally, I want to thank all of the bishops, pastors, and lay leaders in AME churches here in America and around the world. (Applause.)
You all are part of a proud tradition, one that dates back to the founding of that first AME Church and the founding of this nation and has shaped its history every day since. You all know the story -- how back in the late 1700s, a man named Richard Allen bought his freedom from slavery -- (applause) -- became a minister, and eventually founded a Methodist church called Bethel Church – or “Mother Bethel” as we know it today. That first AME church was located in a blacksmith’s shop, and that first congregation had just a few dozen members.
But there’s a reason why one pastor called Bethel’s founding “a Liberty bell for black folks.” (Applause.) There’s a reason why W.E.B. Dubois said that Bethel Church “belongs to the history of the nation rather than to any one city.”
You see, before long, that little church had grown to 1,000 members, and soon, AME Churches were cropping up all across this country. Over the years, these churches served as stops on the Underground Railroad. (Applause.) They founded universities that educated generations of black leaders. They hosted civil rights marches, meetings and rallies, even under the threat of being vandalized, bombed or burned to the ground. Icons like Frederick Douglas and Rosa Parks, leaders like Jim Clyburn, trailblazers like Oliver Brown of Brown v. Board of Education, Ernest Green of the Little Rock Nine -- they all worshipped at AME churches. (Applause.)
So did many of the quiet heroes who never made the headlines –- the maids walking home in Montgomery, the young people riding those buses in Jackson, the men and women who stood up and sat-in because they wanted something better for their children.
I know that I am here today because of those heroes. (Applause.) My husband is in the White House today because of them. (Applause.) Because of those heroes, today my daughters and all our children and grandchildren can grow up dreaming of being doctors and lawyers, CEOs and senators, and yes, maybe even the President of the United States of America. (Applause.)
That is the legacy of the AME church –- and of African American churches and denominations across the country. But let’s be clear, a legacy is not an end unto itself. (Applause.) As another pioneering AME woman, Dr. Jamye Coleman Williams, once said -- (applause) -- she said, “You do the best you can and try to leave a legacy, but somebody has to carry it on.” (Applause.)
And that’s what I want to talk with you about today. I want to talk about how we carry on the legacy that is our inheritance as Americans, as African Americans, and as members of the AME church. I want to talk about what we can learn from our history about the power of being an active, engaged citizen in our democracy.
Now, back when Frederick Douglas was still working on a plantation, back when Rosa Parks was still riding that segregated bus, the injustices we faced were written in big, bold letters on the face of our laws. And while we may have had our differences over strategy, the battles we needed to fight were very clear. We knew that to end slavery, we needed a proclamation from our President, an amendment to our Constitution. To end segregation, we needed the Supreme Court to overturn the lie of “separate but equal”. To reach the ballot box, we needed Congress to pass the Voting Rights Act.
So yes, we moved forward and we won those battles, and we made progress that our parents and grandparents could never have imagined. But today, while there are no more “whites only” signs keeping us out, no one barring our children from the schoolhouse door, we know our journey is far from finished. (Applause.)
But in many ways, the path forward for this next generation is far less clear. I mean, what exactly do you do about children who are languishing in crumbling schools, graduating from high school unprepared for college or a job? And what about the 40 percent of black children who are overweight or obese, or the nearly one in two who are on track to develop diabetes in their lifetimes? What about all those kids growing up in neighborhoods where they don’t feel safe; kids who never have opportunities worthy of their promise? What court case do we bring on their behalf? What laws do we pass for them?
You see, today, the connection between our laws and our lives isn’t always as clear as it was 50 years or 150 years ago. And as a result, it’s sometimes easy to assume that the battles in our courts and legislatures have all been won. It’s tempting to turn our focus to what’s going on in our own lives and with our own families, and just leave it at that.
And make no mistake about it, change absolutely starts at home. (Applause.) Change absolutely starts with each of us, as individuals, taking responsibility for ourselves and our families because we know that our kids won’t grow up healthy until our families start eating right and exercising more. That’s on us. (Applause.) We know that we won’t close that education gap until we turn off the TV, and supervise homework, attend those parent-teacher conferences, and serve as good role models for our own children. That’s on us.
But while we certainly need to start at home, we all know that we cannot stop there because the fact is that our laws still matter. Much like they did 50 years ago, or 150 years ago, our laws still shape so many aspects of our lives: Whether folks are paying their fair [share of]* taxes, or not; whether we invest in roads and schools, and the jobs that come with them, or not; whether our sons and our daughters who wear our country’s uniform get the support and benefits they’ve earned, or not. You see, those decisions are made by the folks sitting in Congress and in our White House. They’re made by the folks in our state legislatures and city halls. And we all know who’s supposed to select those folks, don't we? We know who’s supposed to tell those folks what to do, right? We are. That’s our job. That is our most fundamental right and our most solemn obligation –- to cast our ballots and have our say in the laws that shape our lives.
Dr. King knew that. That’s why back in 1965, he came to Brown Chapel AME Church in Selma and declared -- (applause) -- he said, “When we get the right to vote, we will send to the statehouse not just men who will stand in the doorways of our universities…but men who will uphold the cause of justice.”
John Lewis understood the importance of that right. That’s why, just months after Dr. King’s speech, he faced down a row of billy clubs on the Edmund Pettus Bridge, risking his life so that we could one day cast our ballots. (Applause.)
But today, how many folks do we know who act like that right doesn’t even matter? How many of us have asked someone whether they’re going to vote, and tell us, “No, I voted last time,” or “Is there really an election going on? Really?”, or “Nah, nah, it’s not like my vote’s gonna make a difference.” How many times have we heard that? After so many folks sacrificed so much so that we could make our voices heard, so many of us just can’t be bothered.
But let’s be very clear, while we’re tuning out and staying home on Election Day, other folks are tuning in. (Applause.) Other folks are taking politics very seriously. And they’re engaged on every level. They’re raising money. They’re making their voices heard –- and their issues known –- from City Hall to Washington, DC. And I know that in the face of all of that money and influence, it can start to feel like ordinary citizens just can’t get a seat at the table. And that can make you feel helpless and hopeless. It can make you feel or think that you’re powerless.
But I’m here today because that’s simply not true. We are not helpless or hopeless. (Applause.) Time and again, history has shown us that there is nothing –- nothing -– more powerful than ordinary citizens coming together for a just cause. (Applause.) And that is particularly true of folks in the AME church. And I’m not just talking about the big speeches and protests that we all remember. I’m talking about everything that happens between the marches, when the speeches are over and the cameras were off. I’m talking about the thousands of hours that folks like Roy Wilkins and Daisy Bates spent strategizing in cramped offices late at night. I’m talking about the folks in Montgomery who organized carpools and gave thousands of rides to perfect strangers. I’m talking about the volunteers who set up drinking fountains and first aid stations on the Washington Mall and made 80,000 bags of lunches for folks who marched on that August day. I’m talking about the tireless, the thankless, relentless work of making change –- (applause) -- you know, the phone-calling, letter-writing, door-knocking, meeting-planning kind of work. (Applause.) That is the real work of democracy –- what happens during those quiet moments between the marches.
It’s kind of like church. Our faith journey isn’t just about showing up on Sunday for a good sermon and good music and a good meal. It’s about what we do Monday through Saturday as well -- (applause) -- especially in those quiet moments, when the spotlight’s not on us, and we’re making those daily choices about how to live our lives.
We see that in the life of Jesus Christ. Jesus didn’t limit his ministry to the four walls of the church. We know that. He was out there fighting injustice and speaking truth to power every single day. He was out there spreading a message of grace and redemption to the least, the last, and the lost. And our charge is to find Him everywhere, every day by how we live our lives.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes.
MRS. OBAMA: That is how we practice our faith.
You see, living out our eternal salvation is not a once-a-week kind of deal. (Applause.) And in a more literal sense, neither is citizenship. Democracy is also an everyday activity. And being an engaged citizen should once again be a daily part of our lives. That is how we carry on that precious legacy we've inherited -- by recommitting ourselves to that day-to-day, vitally important work that has always paved the way for change in this country.
What does that mean? That means being informed. It means following the news, and learning about who's representing us, and how our governments work. It means showing up to vote -- and not just every four years, but every year in every election. (Applause.) It means engaging with the folks we elect, following how they vote and how they spend our hard-earned tax dollars. And if you don’t like what you see, then let them know, or better yet, run for a seat at the table yourself. (Applause.)
And I know I am preaching to the choir here. I know that many of you have been active and engaged for decades. And I'm here today to urge you to continue that work and bring others along with you. Because we know that the only way to be heard above all the noise is to lift our voices up together.
So I want you to talk to your friends and your family, your neighbors. Talk to them. Talk to folks in the beauty salons, the barbershops, the parking lot at church. Tell them what's happening on the city council and out in Washington. Let them know. Find that nephew who has never voted -- get him registered. (Applause.) Start an email list or a Facebook group. Send people articles about issues you care about, and then call them to make sure they've read them.
And to anyone who says that church is no place to talk about these issues, you tell them there is no place better -- no place better. (Applause.) Because ultimately, these are not just political issues -- they are moral issues. They're issues that have to do with human dignity and human potential, and the future we want for our kids and our grandkids. And the work of inspiring and empowering folks, the work of lifting up families and communities -- that has always been the work of the AME Church. (Applause.) That’s what you all do best.
Think about it for a minute. Folks just don’t turn to all of you in times of spiritual crises. They come to you with financial crises and health crises and family crises of all kinds. That’s why AME churches are taking on issues from HIV/AIDS to childhood obesity to financial literacy. Every day, you all are giving folks the tools they need to take control of their lives and get back on their feet.
And if you're not already doing this, I'm here to ask you to take that work to the next level. So the next time you organize that food drive, pair it with a meeting at city hall and ask what they're doing to fight hunger in your community. If you've got an exercise ministry or a health ministry, maybe they can work with your town council to clear out a walk-in trailer, clean up a local park. Keep on doing that great work with your youth groups, but start showing up at those school board meetings and make sure those kids are getting the education they deserve. (Applause.) Take it to the next level.
In the end, I think that Bishop McKenzie put it best when she said -- and this is her quote -- she says, "It's a tragedy when you fail to climb the mountain of opportunity after your season of preparation." She says, "It's a tragedy when you fail to try to exercise the gifts that God has given you, even in the face of difficulty. It's a tragedy." And God has given us so many blessings and gifts, and such a long season of preparation. And after so many years of toil and struggle, it is time to climb that mountain of opportunity. It's time. (Applause.) It is time.
And I know that mountain may seem high. I know there are days when you just want to come home and put up your feet, kick back with the kids. I know that sometimes the problems we face seem so entrenched, so overwhelming that solving them seems nearly impossible. But during those dark moments, I want you to remember that doing the impossible is the root of our faith. It is the history of our people, and the lifeblood of this nation. (Applause.)
Because if a young shepherd could defeat a giant -- (applause) -- if a man could lead a band of former slaves against the most powerful city in the land until its walls tumbled down, if a simple fisherman could become the rock upon which Christ built his church -- (applause) -- then surely, we can do our part to be more active citizens.
If Ernest Green could face down an angry mob to get an education, if Rosa Parks could sit unmoved on that bus, if Richard Allen could transform a blacksmith's shop into a church that changed history, then surely -- surely -- we can get our communities more engaged in our democracy. If so many people could sacrifice so much for so long to leave this magnificent legacy for us, then surely we can find a way to carry it forward for our children and our grandchildren.
And when you grow weary in this work -- and you will -- when you think about giving up -- and you will -- I want you to think about a photo that hangs today in the West Wing of the White House.
It is a picture of a young black family visiting the President in the Oval Office. The father was a member of the White House staff, and he brought his wife and two young sons to meet my husband. In the photo, Barack is bent over at the waist -- way over. And one of the sons, a little boy just 5 years old, is reaching out his tiny hand to touch my husband's head. And it turns out that upon meeting Barack, this little boy gazed up at him longingly and said, "I want to know if my hair is like yours." (Applause.) And my husband replied, "Well, why don’t you touch it and see for yourself." So he bent way over so the little boy could feel his hair, and after touching my husband's head, the boy exclaimed, he said, "Yeah, it does feel the same." (Applause.)
And every couple of weeks, the White House photographers change out all the photos that hang in the West Wing -- except for that one. See, that one, and that one alone, has hung on that wall for more than three years.
So if you ever wonder whether change is possible in this country, I want you to think about that little black boy in the Oval Office of the White House touching the head of the first black President. (Applause.) And I want you to think about how children who see that photo today think nothing of it because that is all they've ever known, because they have grown up taking for granted that an African American can be President of the United States. (Applause.)
And I want you to think of the stories in the Bible about folks like Abel and Noah; folks like Abraham and Sarah, and the verse in Hebrews that says, "All these people were still living by faith when they died. They did not receive the things promised. They only saw them and welcomed them from a distance." (Applause.) Through so many heartbreaks and trials, those who came before us kept the faith. They could only see that promised land from a distance, but they never let it out of their sight.
And today, if we're once again willing to work for it, if we're once again willing to sacrifice for it, then I know -- I know -- we can carry that legacy forward. I know we can meet our obligations to continue that struggle. I know we can continue the work of those heroes whose shoulders we all stand on. And I know we can finish the journey they started and finally fulfill the promise of our democracy for all our children.
Thank you, and God bless. (Applause.)
END
11:32 A.M. CDT
Technical Trade Proclamation to Congress Regarding Gibraltar and the Turks and Caicos Islands and Senegal
TO MODIFY DUTY-FREE TREATMENT UNDER THE GENERALIZED SYSTEM OF PREFERENCES, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES
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BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
A PROCLAMATION
1. Pursuant to sections 501 and 503(a)(1)(B) of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended (the "1974 Act") (19 U.S.C. 2461 and 2463(a)(1)(B)), the President may designate certain articles as eligible for preferential tariff treatment under the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) when imported from a least-developed beneficiary developing country.
2. Pursuant to sections 501 and 503(a)(1)(B) of the 1974 Act, and after receiving advice from the United States International Trade Commission (the "Commission") in accordance with section 503(e) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(e)), I have determined to designate certain articles as eligible articles when imported from a least-developed beneficiary developing country.
3. Section 503(c)(2)(C) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(C)) provides that a country that is no longer treated as a beneficiary developing country with respect to an eligible article may be redesignated as a beneficiary developing country with respect to such article, subject to the considerations set forth in sections 501 and 502 of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462), if imports of such article from such country did not exceed the competitive need limitations in section 503(c)(2)(A) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(A)) during the preceding calendar year.
4. Pursuant to section 503(c)(2)(C) of the 1974 Act, and having taken into account the considerations set forth in sections 501 and 502 of the 1974 Act, I have determined to redesignate certain countries as beneficiary developing countries with respect to certain eligible articles that previously had been imported in quantities exceeding the competitive need limitations of section 503(c)(2)(A) of the 1974 Act.
5. Section 503(c)(2)(A) of the 1974 Act provides that beneficiary developing countries, except those designated as least-developed beneficiary developing countries or beneficiary sub-Saharan African countries as provided in section 503(c)(2)(D) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(D)), are subject to competitive need limitations on the preferential treatment afforded under the GSP to eligible articles.
6. Pursuant to section 503(c)(2)(A) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that in 2011 certain beneficiary developing countries exported eligible articles in quantities exceeding the applicable competitive need limitations, and I therefore terminate the duty-free treatment for such articles from such beneficiary developing countries.
7. Section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(4)(B)(ii)) provides that the President should revoke any waiver of the application of the competitive need limitations that has been in effect with respect to an article for 5 years or more if the beneficiary developing country has exported to the United States during the preceding calendar an amount that exceeds the quantity set forth in section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii)(I) or section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii)(II) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(4)(B)(ii)(I) and 19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(4)(B)(ii)(II)).
8. Pursuant to section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that in 2011 certain beneficiary developing countries exported eligible articles for which a waiver has been in effect for 5 years or more in quantities exceeding the applicable limitation set forth in section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii)(I) or section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii)(II) of the 1974 Act, and I therefore revoke said waivers.
9. Section 503(c)(2)(F)(i) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(F)(i)) provides that the President may disregard the competitive need limitation provided in section 503(c)(2)(A)(i)(II) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(A)(i)(II)) with respect to any eligible article from any beneficiary developing country, if the aggregate appraised value of the imports of such article into the United States during the preceding calendar year does not exceed an amount set forth in section 503(c)(2)(F)(ii) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(F)(ii)).
10. Pursuant to section 503(c)(2)(F)(i) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that the competitive need limitation provided in section 503(c)(2)(A)(i)(II) of the 1974 Act should be disregarded with respect to certain eligible articles from certain beneficiary developing countries.
11. Section 503(d)(1) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(1)) provides that the President may waive the application of the competitive need limitations in section 503(c)(2) of the 1974 Act with respect to any eligible article from any beneficiary developing country if certain conditions are met.
12. Pursuant to section 503(d)(1) of the 1974 Act, I have received the advice of the Commission on whether any industry in the United States is likely to be adversely affected by waivers of the competitive need limitations provided in section 503(c)(2), and I have determined, based on that advice and on the considerations described in sections 501 and 502(c) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(c)) and after giving great weight to the considerations in section 503(d)(2) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(2)), that such waivers are in the national economic interest of the United States. Accordingly, I have determined that the competitive need limitations of section 503(c)(2) of the 1974 Act should be waived with respect to certain eligible articles from certain beneficiary developing countries.
13. Section 502(e) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(e)) provides that the President shall terminate the designation of a country as a beneficiary developing country if the President determines that such country has become a "high income" country as defined by the official statistics of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Termination is effective on January 1 of the second year following the year in which such determination is made.
14. Pursuant to section 502(e) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that Gibraltar has become a "high income" country, and I am terminating the designation of that country as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, effective January 1, 2014, and I will so notify the Congress.
15. Pursuant to section 502(e) of the 1974 Act, I have also determined that the Turks and Caicos Islands has become a "high income" country, and I am terminating the designation of that country as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, effective January 1, 2014, and I will so notify the Congress.
16. Pursuant to section 502(a)(2) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(a)(2)), the President is authorized to designate any beneficiary developing country as a least-developed beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP. Section 502(f)(1)(B) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(f)(1)(B)) requires the President to notify the Congress at least 60 days before designating any country as a least-developed beneficiary developing country.
17. Pursuant to section 502(a)(2) of the 1974 Act, having considered the factors set forth in section 501 and section 502(c) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(c)), I have determined that the Republic of Senegal (Senegal) should be designated as a least-developed beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, and I will so notify the Congress.
18. Section 604 of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2483) authorizes the President to embody in the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States (HTS) the substance of the relevant provisions of that Act, and of other Acts affecting import treatment, and actions thereunder, including removal, modification, continuance, or imposition of any rate of duty or other import restriction.
19. The short form name of East Timor has been changed to Timor-Leste, and I have determined that general note 4 to the HTS should be modified to reflect this change.
20. Presidential Proclamation 7011 of June 30, 1997, implemented the World Trade Organization Ministerial Declaration on Trade in Information Technology Products (the "ITA") for the United States. Products included in Attachment B to the ITA are entitled to duty-free treatment wherever classified. In order to maintain the intended tariff treatment for certain products covered in Attachment B, I have determined that technical corrections to the HTS are necessary.
NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including but not limited to title V and section 604 of the 1974 Act, do proclaim that:
(1) In order to designate certain articles as eligible articles only when imported from a least-developed beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, the Rates of Duty 1-Special subcolumn for the corresponding HTS subheadings is modified as set forth in section A of Annex I to this proclamation.
(2) In order to redesignate certain articles as eligible articles for purposes of the GSP, the Rates of Duty 1-Special subcolumn for the corresponding HTS subheadings and general note 4(d) to the HTS are modified as set forth in section B of Annex I to this proclamation.
(3) In order to provide that one or more countries should no longer be treated as beneficiary developing countries with respect to one or more eligible articles for purposes of the GSP, the Rates of Duty 1-Special subcolumn for the corresponding HTS subheadings and general note 4(d) to the HTS is modified as set forth in section C of Annex I to this proclamation.
(4) In order to reflect the change in the name of East Timor, general notes 4(a) and 4(b)(i) to the HTS are modified as provided in section D of Annex I to this proclamation.
(5) The modifications to the HTS set forth in Annex I to this proclamation shall be effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after the dates set forth in the relevant sections of Annex I.
(6) The competitive need limitation provided in section 503(c)(2)(A)(i)(II) of the 1974 Act is disregarded with respect to the eligible articles in the HTS subheadings and to the beneficiary developing countries listed in Annex II to this proclamation.
(7) A waiver of the application of section 503(c)(2) of the 1974 Act shall apply to the articles in the HTS subheadings and to the beneficiary developing countries set forth in Annex III to this proclamation.
(8) The designation of Gibraltar as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP is terminated, effective on January 1, 2014.
(9) In order to reflect this termination in the HTS, general note 4(a) to the HTS is modified by deleting "Gibraltar" from the list of non-independent countries and territories, effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after January 1, 2014.
(10) The designation of the Turks and Caicos Islands as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP is terminated, effective on January 1, 2014.
(11) In order to reflect this termination in the HTS, general note 4(a) to the HTS is modified by deleting "Turks and Caicos Islands" from the list of non-independent countries and territories, effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after January 1, 2014.
(12) Senegal is designated as a least-developed beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, effective 60 days after the date this proclamation is published in the Federal Register.
(13) In order to reflect this designation in the HTS, general note 4(b)(i) is modified by adding in alphabetical order "Senegal," effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after the date that is 60 days after the date this proclamation is published in the Federal Register.
(14) In order to provide the intended tariff treatment to certain products covered by the ITA, the HTS is modified as set forth in Annex IV to this proclamation.
(15) The modifications to the HTS set forth in Annex IV to this proclamation shall be effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after the date set forth in Annex IV.
(16) Any provisions of previous proclamations and Executive Orders that are inconsistent with the actions taken in this proclamation are superseded to the extent of such inconsistency.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twenty-ninth day of June, in the year of our Lord two thousand twelve, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-sixth.
BARACK OBAMA
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BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
A PROCLAMATION
1. Pursuant to sections 501 and 503(a)(1)(B) of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended (the "1974 Act") (19 U.S.C. 2461 and 2463(a)(1)(B)), the President may designate certain articles as eligible for preferential tariff treatment under the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) when imported from a least-developed beneficiary developing country.
2. Pursuant to sections 501 and 503(a)(1)(B) of the 1974 Act, and after receiving advice from the United States International Trade Commission (the "Commission") in accordance with section 503(e) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(e)), I have determined to designate certain articles as eligible articles when imported from a least-developed beneficiary developing country.
3. Section 503(c)(2)(C) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(C)) provides that a country that is no longer treated as a beneficiary developing country with respect to an eligible article may be redesignated as a beneficiary developing country with respect to such article, subject to the considerations set forth in sections 501 and 502 of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462), if imports of such article from such country did not exceed the competitive need limitations in section 503(c)(2)(A) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(A)) during the preceding calendar year.
4. Pursuant to section 503(c)(2)(C) of the 1974 Act, and having taken into account the considerations set forth in sections 501 and 502 of the 1974 Act, I have determined to redesignate certain countries as beneficiary developing countries with respect to certain eligible articles that previously had been imported in quantities exceeding the competitive need limitations of section 503(c)(2)(A) of the 1974 Act.
5. Section 503(c)(2)(A) of the 1974 Act provides that beneficiary developing countries, except those designated as least-developed beneficiary developing countries or beneficiary sub-Saharan African countries as provided in section 503(c)(2)(D) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(D)), are subject to competitive need limitations on the preferential treatment afforded under the GSP to eligible articles.
6. Pursuant to section 503(c)(2)(A) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that in 2011 certain beneficiary developing countries exported eligible articles in quantities exceeding the applicable competitive need limitations, and I therefore terminate the duty-free treatment for such articles from such beneficiary developing countries.
7. Section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(4)(B)(ii)) provides that the President should revoke any waiver of the application of the competitive need limitations that has been in effect with respect to an article for 5 years or more if the beneficiary developing country has exported to the United States during the preceding calendar an amount that exceeds the quantity set forth in section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii)(I) or section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii)(II) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(4)(B)(ii)(I) and 19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(4)(B)(ii)(II)).
8. Pursuant to section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that in 2011 certain beneficiary developing countries exported eligible articles for which a waiver has been in effect for 5 years or more in quantities exceeding the applicable limitation set forth in section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii)(I) or section 503(d)(4)(B)(ii)(II) of the 1974 Act, and I therefore revoke said waivers.
9. Section 503(c)(2)(F)(i) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(F)(i)) provides that the President may disregard the competitive need limitation provided in section 503(c)(2)(A)(i)(II) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(A)(i)(II)) with respect to any eligible article from any beneficiary developing country, if the aggregate appraised value of the imports of such article into the United States during the preceding calendar year does not exceed an amount set forth in section 503(c)(2)(F)(ii) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(c)(2)(F)(ii)).
10. Pursuant to section 503(c)(2)(F)(i) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that the competitive need limitation provided in section 503(c)(2)(A)(i)(II) of the 1974 Act should be disregarded with respect to certain eligible articles from certain beneficiary developing countries.
11. Section 503(d)(1) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(1)) provides that the President may waive the application of the competitive need limitations in section 503(c)(2) of the 1974 Act with respect to any eligible article from any beneficiary developing country if certain conditions are met.
12. Pursuant to section 503(d)(1) of the 1974 Act, I have received the advice of the Commission on whether any industry in the United States is likely to be adversely affected by waivers of the competitive need limitations provided in section 503(c)(2), and I have determined, based on that advice and on the considerations described in sections 501 and 502(c) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(c)) and after giving great weight to the considerations in section 503(d)(2) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2463(d)(2)), that such waivers are in the national economic interest of the United States. Accordingly, I have determined that the competitive need limitations of section 503(c)(2) of the 1974 Act should be waived with respect to certain eligible articles from certain beneficiary developing countries.
13. Section 502(e) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(e)) provides that the President shall terminate the designation of a country as a beneficiary developing country if the President determines that such country has become a "high income" country as defined by the official statistics of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Termination is effective on January 1 of the second year following the year in which such determination is made.
14. Pursuant to section 502(e) of the 1974 Act, I have determined that Gibraltar has become a "high income" country, and I am terminating the designation of that country as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, effective January 1, 2014, and I will so notify the Congress.
15. Pursuant to section 502(e) of the 1974 Act, I have also determined that the Turks and Caicos Islands has become a "high income" country, and I am terminating the designation of that country as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, effective January 1, 2014, and I will so notify the Congress.
16. Pursuant to section 502(a)(2) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(a)(2)), the President is authorized to designate any beneficiary developing country as a least-developed beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP. Section 502(f)(1)(B) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(f)(1)(B)) requires the President to notify the Congress at least 60 days before designating any country as a least-developed beneficiary developing country.
17. Pursuant to section 502(a)(2) of the 1974 Act, having considered the factors set forth in section 501 and section 502(c) of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2462(c)), I have determined that the Republic of Senegal (Senegal) should be designated as a least-developed beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, and I will so notify the Congress.
18. Section 604 of the 1974 Act (19 U.S.C. 2483) authorizes the President to embody in the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States (HTS) the substance of the relevant provisions of that Act, and of other Acts affecting import treatment, and actions thereunder, including removal, modification, continuance, or imposition of any rate of duty or other import restriction.
19. The short form name of East Timor has been changed to Timor-Leste, and I have determined that general note 4 to the HTS should be modified to reflect this change.
20. Presidential Proclamation 7011 of June 30, 1997, implemented the World Trade Organization Ministerial Declaration on Trade in Information Technology Products (the "ITA") for the United States. Products included in Attachment B to the ITA are entitled to duty-free treatment wherever classified. In order to maintain the intended tariff treatment for certain products covered in Attachment B, I have determined that technical corrections to the HTS are necessary.
NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including but not limited to title V and section 604 of the 1974 Act, do proclaim that:
(1) In order to designate certain articles as eligible articles only when imported from a least-developed beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, the Rates of Duty 1-Special subcolumn for the corresponding HTS subheadings is modified as set forth in section A of Annex I to this proclamation.
(2) In order to redesignate certain articles as eligible articles for purposes of the GSP, the Rates of Duty 1-Special subcolumn for the corresponding HTS subheadings and general note 4(d) to the HTS are modified as set forth in section B of Annex I to this proclamation.
(3) In order to provide that one or more countries should no longer be treated as beneficiary developing countries with respect to one or more eligible articles for purposes of the GSP, the Rates of Duty 1-Special subcolumn for the corresponding HTS subheadings and general note 4(d) to the HTS is modified as set forth in section C of Annex I to this proclamation.
(4) In order to reflect the change in the name of East Timor, general notes 4(a) and 4(b)(i) to the HTS are modified as provided in section D of Annex I to this proclamation.
(5) The modifications to the HTS set forth in Annex I to this proclamation shall be effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after the dates set forth in the relevant sections of Annex I.
(6) The competitive need limitation provided in section 503(c)(2)(A)(i)(II) of the 1974 Act is disregarded with respect to the eligible articles in the HTS subheadings and to the beneficiary developing countries listed in Annex II to this proclamation.
(7) A waiver of the application of section 503(c)(2) of the 1974 Act shall apply to the articles in the HTS subheadings and to the beneficiary developing countries set forth in Annex III to this proclamation.
(8) The designation of Gibraltar as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP is terminated, effective on January 1, 2014.
(9) In order to reflect this termination in the HTS, general note 4(a) to the HTS is modified by deleting "Gibraltar" from the list of non-independent countries and territories, effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after January 1, 2014.
(10) The designation of the Turks and Caicos Islands as a beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP is terminated, effective on January 1, 2014.
(11) In order to reflect this termination in the HTS, general note 4(a) to the HTS is modified by deleting "Turks and Caicos Islands" from the list of non-independent countries and territories, effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after January 1, 2014.
(12) Senegal is designated as a least-developed beneficiary developing country for purposes of the GSP, effective 60 days after the date this proclamation is published in the Federal Register.
(13) In order to reflect this designation in the HTS, general note 4(b)(i) is modified by adding in alphabetical order "Senegal," effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after the date that is 60 days after the date this proclamation is published in the Federal Register.
(14) In order to provide the intended tariff treatment to certain products covered by the ITA, the HTS is modified as set forth in Annex IV to this proclamation.
(15) The modifications to the HTS set forth in Annex IV to this proclamation shall be effective with respect to articles entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after the date set forth in Annex IV.
(16) Any provisions of previous proclamations and Executive Orders that are inconsistent with the actions taken in this proclamation are superseded to the extent of such inconsistency.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twenty-ninth day of June, in the year of our Lord two thousand twelve, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-sixth.
BARACK OBAMA
Friday, June 29, 2012
Racial Discrimination by Banks Is Worsening the Foreclosure Crisis
Is there a house in your neighborhood that everybody hates to walk past? You know, the one with broken and boarded up windows, trash left to gather on the lawn, and grass so overgrown it?s becoming a habitat for rodents?
If you have a house like that in your community, you know it?s more than just an eyesore. Neglected, vacant houses depress property values throughout the community, and can threaten health and safety. They erode the sense of community and stability that creates vibrant localities, and they hamper economic resiliency. With a national foreclosure crisis still in full swing, such houses are all too common.
You might be surprised to learn, though, that if you have problem properties like that in your neighborhood, there?s a good chance your absentee neighbor is a bank. More shocking still, banks are neglecting houses they own in minority communities even more frequently?much more frequently?than those they hold in white communities.
A detailed undercover investigation unveiled last week by the National Fair Housing Alliance and several regional partners shows not only that banks too frequently fail to maintain foreclosed properties that they own, but that they tend to neglect their properties in communities of color at a much higher rate, with devastating consequences.
A large number of the neglected, bank-owned properties have broken or missing doors and windows, inviting vandalism and trespassers. And many have safety hazards that endanger the public. Those and other defects are significantly more prevalent in bank-owned properties located in communities of color. Another finding is that, on average, the banks are not marketing houses located in communities of color as aggressively to individual homebuyers as they do properties in white neighborhoods. The properties in white neighborhoods are, for example, more likely to have clear and professional ?for sale? signs. When banks both poorly maintain and poorly market foreclosed houses, the properties tend to stay vacant longer and to eventually be sold to speculators, rather than to people who would make the houses their home.
The discriminatory differences are stark. In Dayton, Ohio, for example, 60% of bank-owned properties in African-American neighborhoods had broken or unsecured doors, compared to only 18% in white neighborhoods. In Atlanta, properties in African-American neighborhoods were almost five times more likely than homes in white neighborhoods to lack a ?for sale? sign. And in Dallas, 73% of the bank-owned homes in predominantly non-white neighborhoods had trash on their properties, while only 37% in white areas did.
Neighbors of all races who live near foreclosed, bank-owned properties, the investigation found, are pulling together to keep them presentable?doing maintenance the banks should be doing, like mowing lawns and removing trash. But in communities of color, neighbors reported seeing home improvement contractors working on those properties at only half the rate seen by neighbors in predominantly white areas.
The bank behavior identified by this investigation is unethical, unlawful, and harmful to our economy. It breaches our basic national values of equal opportunity and the common good. It violates the Fair Housing Act of 1968, signed 44 years ago this week in the wake of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.?s assassination. And it is holding back our economic recovery by, among other things, depressing home prices and hampering sales.
It?s hard to know all the reasons why banks are discriminating in this way. Bias and unfounded stereotypes about minority communities and homes, however, are a likely root cause. The investigators controlled for 39 race-neutral factors like building structure, water damage, and curb appeal, so the different treatment is indisputably about race, and not class or other home or neighborhood characteristics.
This investigation should be a wake up call for banks, regulators, local governments, and the neighbors of these bank-owned properties. Among the solutions identified by the National Fair Housing Alliance are anti-discrimination investigations by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and other enforcement agencies, making information about bank-owned properties more publicly accessible, and prioritizing buyers who will occupy these properties over speculators who may warehouse them.
As Americans struggle together toward a lasting economic recovery, good neighbors are more important than ever. It?s time to remind America?s banks that this includes them.
If you have a house like that in your community, you know it?s more than just an eyesore. Neglected, vacant houses depress property values throughout the community, and can threaten health and safety. They erode the sense of community and stability that creates vibrant localities, and they hamper economic resiliency. With a national foreclosure crisis still in full swing, such houses are all too common.
You might be surprised to learn, though, that if you have problem properties like that in your neighborhood, there?s a good chance your absentee neighbor is a bank. More shocking still, banks are neglecting houses they own in minority communities even more frequently?much more frequently?than those they hold in white communities.
A detailed undercover investigation unveiled last week by the National Fair Housing Alliance and several regional partners shows not only that banks too frequently fail to maintain foreclosed properties that they own, but that they tend to neglect their properties in communities of color at a much higher rate, with devastating consequences.
A large number of the neglected, bank-owned properties have broken or missing doors and windows, inviting vandalism and trespassers. And many have safety hazards that endanger the public. Those and other defects are significantly more prevalent in bank-owned properties located in communities of color. Another finding is that, on average, the banks are not marketing houses located in communities of color as aggressively to individual homebuyers as they do properties in white neighborhoods. The properties in white neighborhoods are, for example, more likely to have clear and professional ?for sale? signs. When banks both poorly maintain and poorly market foreclosed houses, the properties tend to stay vacant longer and to eventually be sold to speculators, rather than to people who would make the houses their home.
The discriminatory differences are stark. In Dayton, Ohio, for example, 60% of bank-owned properties in African-American neighborhoods had broken or unsecured doors, compared to only 18% in white neighborhoods. In Atlanta, properties in African-American neighborhoods were almost five times more likely than homes in white neighborhoods to lack a ?for sale? sign. And in Dallas, 73% of the bank-owned homes in predominantly non-white neighborhoods had trash on their properties, while only 37% in white areas did.
Neighbors of all races who live near foreclosed, bank-owned properties, the investigation found, are pulling together to keep them presentable?doing maintenance the banks should be doing, like mowing lawns and removing trash. But in communities of color, neighbors reported seeing home improvement contractors working on those properties at only half the rate seen by neighbors in predominantly white areas.
The bank behavior identified by this investigation is unethical, unlawful, and harmful to our economy. It breaches our basic national values of equal opportunity and the common good. It violates the Fair Housing Act of 1968, signed 44 years ago this week in the wake of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.?s assassination. And it is holding back our economic recovery by, among other things, depressing home prices and hampering sales.
It?s hard to know all the reasons why banks are discriminating in this way. Bias and unfounded stereotypes about minority communities and homes, however, are a likely root cause. The investigators controlled for 39 race-neutral factors like building structure, water damage, and curb appeal, so the different treatment is indisputably about race, and not class or other home or neighborhood characteristics.
This investigation should be a wake up call for banks, regulators, local governments, and the neighbors of these bank-owned properties. Among the solutions identified by the National Fair Housing Alliance are anti-discrimination investigations by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and other enforcement agencies, making information about bank-owned properties more publicly accessible, and prioritizing buyers who will occupy these properties over speculators who may warehouse them.
As Americans struggle together toward a lasting economic recovery, good neighbors are more important than ever. It?s time to remind America?s banks that this includes them.
Day One
Recently Mitt Romney rolled out two new ads touting what he plans to do on his first day on the job if elected President. Both are filled with some lofty goals to say the least, with the scariest part being that he may actually believe he accomplish all these tasks on day one.
For the sake of time, I will set aside the ad mentions of overturning the Affordable Care Act and introducing tax cuts/reforms and just focus on two of the big hitters, approving Keystone Pipeline and repealing job killing regulations.
In the midst of all the pomp and circumstance of the inaugural activities, these ads want us to believe that Mitt Romney will make approving the Keystone Pipeline and the repeal of regulations his top priorities. So even with all the other issues facing our country, he?s going to make building a pipeline that transports dirty tar sands oil from Canada, through highly sensitive areas of our country, to the already endangered Gulf Coast his first act as President? And as his next act he will repeal all the regulations he deems job killers? Will there be any regard for considering that some regulations are good, can actually create jobs and are meant to keep us safe? And the really pressing question, will this be before or after he picks out his power tie and presidential cufflinks for his ceremonial walk down Pennsylvania Avenue?
On one hand, these ads are hard to believe and can probably just be chalked up to campaign rhetoric and the willingness to make promises, which probably can?t be kept (especially since Congress doesn?t care about ?Day One? or ?Day Three Hundred?). �In fact, the only way he could probably make this kind of promise happen is if he pays for it to become a reality.�
The scary thing is that he could. These ads could be plausible because Romney is seeking counsel from the likes of Harold Hamm. Hamm, who serves as Romney?s top energy advisor, is the billionaire chairman and CEO of Continental Resources. And, just one month after assuming his role as energy advisor, contributed nearly $1 million to the pro-Romney Super PAC. Raising legitimate questions about his influence with candidate Romney and how those ties could benefit his company.
The saying goes ?you are who you associate with.? For Mitt Romney this seems to be not only true, but could become our reality if he is given a day one.�
�
�
�
For the sake of time, I will set aside the ad mentions of overturning the Affordable Care Act and introducing tax cuts/reforms and just focus on two of the big hitters, approving Keystone Pipeline and repealing job killing regulations.
In the midst of all the pomp and circumstance of the inaugural activities, these ads want us to believe that Mitt Romney will make approving the Keystone Pipeline and the repeal of regulations his top priorities. So even with all the other issues facing our country, he?s going to make building a pipeline that transports dirty tar sands oil from Canada, through highly sensitive areas of our country, to the already endangered Gulf Coast his first act as President? And as his next act he will repeal all the regulations he deems job killers? Will there be any regard for considering that some regulations are good, can actually create jobs and are meant to keep us safe? And the really pressing question, will this be before or after he picks out his power tie and presidential cufflinks for his ceremonial walk down Pennsylvania Avenue?
On one hand, these ads are hard to believe and can probably just be chalked up to campaign rhetoric and the willingness to make promises, which probably can?t be kept (especially since Congress doesn?t care about ?Day One? or ?Day Three Hundred?). �In fact, the only way he could probably make this kind of promise happen is if he pays for it to become a reality.�
The scary thing is that he could. These ads could be plausible because Romney is seeking counsel from the likes of Harold Hamm. Hamm, who serves as Romney?s top energy advisor, is the billionaire chairman and CEO of Continental Resources. And, just one month after assuming his role as energy advisor, contributed nearly $1 million to the pro-Romney Super PAC. Raising legitimate questions about his influence with candidate Romney and how those ties could benefit his company.
The saying goes ?you are who you associate with.? For Mitt Romney this seems to be not only true, but could become our reality if he is given a day one.�
�
�
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washington bureaucrats John Kerry George Will George Bush global warming
Day One
Recently Mitt Romney rolled out two new ads touting what he plans to do on his first day on the job if elected President. Both are filled with some lofty goals to say the least, with the scariest part being that he may actually believe he accomplish all these tasks on day one.
For the sake of time, I will set aside the ad mentions of overturning the Affordable Care Act and introducing tax cuts/reforms and just focus on two of the big hitters, approving Keystone Pipeline and repealing job killing regulations.
In the midst of all the pomp and circumstance of the inaugural activities, these ads want us to believe that Mitt Romney will make approving the Keystone Pipeline and the repeal of regulations his top priorities. So even with all the other issues facing our country, he?s going to make building a pipeline that transports dirty tar sands oil from Canada, through highly sensitive areas of our country, to the already endangered Gulf Coast his first act as President? And as his next act he will repeal all the regulations he deems job killers? Will there be any regard for considering that some regulations are good, can actually create jobs and are meant to keep us safe? And the really pressing question, will this be before or after he picks out his power tie and presidential cufflinks for his ceremonial walk down Pennsylvania Avenue?
On one hand, these ads are hard to believe and can probably just be chalked up to campaign rhetoric and the willingness to make promises, which probably can?t be kept (especially since Congress doesn?t care about ?Day One? or ?Day Three Hundred?). �In fact, the only way he could probably make this kind of promise happen is if he pays for it to become a reality.�
The scary thing is that he could. These ads could be plausible because Romney is seeking counsel from the likes of Harold Hamm. Hamm, who serves as Romney?s top energy advisor, is the billionaire chairman and CEO of Continental Resources. And, just one month after assuming his role as energy advisor, contributed nearly $1 million to the pro-Romney Super PAC. Raising legitimate questions about his influence with candidate Romney and how those ties could benefit his company.
The saying goes ?you are who you associate with.? For Mitt Romney this seems to be not only true, but could become our reality if he is given a day one.�
�
�
�
For the sake of time, I will set aside the ad mentions of overturning the Affordable Care Act and introducing tax cuts/reforms and just focus on two of the big hitters, approving Keystone Pipeline and repealing job killing regulations.
In the midst of all the pomp and circumstance of the inaugural activities, these ads want us to believe that Mitt Romney will make approving the Keystone Pipeline and the repeal of regulations his top priorities. So even with all the other issues facing our country, he?s going to make building a pipeline that transports dirty tar sands oil from Canada, through highly sensitive areas of our country, to the already endangered Gulf Coast his first act as President? And as his next act he will repeal all the regulations he deems job killers? Will there be any regard for considering that some regulations are good, can actually create jobs and are meant to keep us safe? And the really pressing question, will this be before or after he picks out his power tie and presidential cufflinks for his ceremonial walk down Pennsylvania Avenue?
On one hand, these ads are hard to believe and can probably just be chalked up to campaign rhetoric and the willingness to make promises, which probably can?t be kept (especially since Congress doesn?t care about ?Day One? or ?Day Three Hundred?). �In fact, the only way he could probably make this kind of promise happen is if he pays for it to become a reality.�
The scary thing is that he could. These ads could be plausible because Romney is seeking counsel from the likes of Harold Hamm. Hamm, who serves as Romney?s top energy advisor, is the billionaire chairman and CEO of Continental Resources. And, just one month after assuming his role as energy advisor, contributed nearly $1 million to the pro-Romney Super PAC. Raising legitimate questions about his influence with candidate Romney and how those ties could benefit his company.
The saying goes ?you are who you associate with.? For Mitt Romney this seems to be not only true, but could become our reality if he is given a day one.�
�
�
�
Rick Santorum Chris Dodd Sharron Angle Pat Toomey Jan Brewer
Remarks by the President at a Campaign Event
Private Residence
Weston, Massachusetts
9:34 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) You don't need to stand up again. No, you already did that, come on, come on. (Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Thank you so much. (Applause.)
Let me, first of all, thank Doug and Judy and George and Lizbeth. What a spectacular evening. You guys could not be more gracious. And if this is the first time you've done this -- you're actually quite good at this. (Laughter.) So just want to let you know that you're doing fine. (Laughter.) Really.
A couple other people who are here -- as was mentioned, Rob Barber has been an extraordinary friend for many, many years. And so we thank him for all of his support. (Applause.) We've also got somebody who I met when I was still running for the U.S. Senate and has been a wonderful friend all these years -- your Treasurer, Steve Grossman, is here. (Applause.) Where is Steve? There he is.
And finally, let me just say that somebody who I genuinely consider a brother -- I don't mean that in the vernacular. (Laughter.) I mean somebody who -- when I think about people who I admire, I care about, who I just think is good people and who articulates a vision of what this country should be as well as anybody in this country -- it's your Governor, Deval Patrick. (Applause.) I love the guy. Thank you. (Applause.) Deval Patrick. (Applause.)
So some of you were at Symphony Hall, and I had a chance to give a long speech. And what I'd like to do tonight -- take advantage of the fact that we have an intimate setting -- I'm not going to give a long speech at the front end. What I'd rather do is have a conversation, answer your questions, take some comments.
But let me just say at the top that many of you were involved in the election in 2008, and in some ways when I talk to my political team about -- and reminisce about 2008, it was like lightening in a bottle. It captured a spirit and an energy and an electricity that was spectacular. And I couldn't be prouder of the campaign we ran in 2008.
But in some ways, this election is more important than 2008. In some ways, the stakes are higher. Because back in 2008, there was some overlap between Democrats and Republicans on some important issues. The nominee from the other party believed in climate change, believed in campaign finance reform, believed in immigration reform. And what we’ve seen in the face of probably the worst financial crisis and economic crisis of our lifetimes is that the Republican Party has moved in a fundamentally different direction, so that on every issue we have fundamental choices that are at stake that will determine not just how we do tomorrow or the next day, but for the next 10 years or the next 20 years.
And I’ve said this before and I believe it -- this is a make-or-break moment for who we are as a country and the values that we live by. And I think it's a make-or-break moment for the middle class in this country, or everybody who is aspiring to get into the middle class.
Obviously we're still recovering from the financial crisis and the economic crisis, and there are a lot of people who are still out of work, and a lot of homes that are still underwater, and a lot of businesses that are still struggling. But for a decade before that crisis, what we had seen was that the basic bargain that built this country, that allowed so many of us to be successful -- the notion that if you work hard, no matter who you are, where you come from, what you look like, who you love, you can make it; that if you're responsible and you look after your family and you apply yourself, you can support a family and have a home and send your kids to college so they can do better than you ever imagined -- that basic compact had been eroding -- so that job growth had been more sluggish in the previous decade than any time in the previous 50 years, and a few people were doing extraordinarily well, but for more and more people it was a struggle just to keep up.
And it was papered over for a while through debt and home equity loans and credit cards, but that was a house of cards that all came tumbling down. And so, even as we work on the immediate task of putting people back to work and getting the economy growing faster, we've got this underlying challenge that we have to meet. And that is, how do we get back to an economy that is built to last, and where everybody has got a fair shot and everybody is doing their fair share and everybody is playing by the same set of rules?
And in answering that question, we've got two fundamentally different visions -- one vision that essentially can be summed up as get rid of all regulations and cut taxes for another $5 trillion, a top-down approach to economic growth.
And I've got a different vision that says we are entrepreneurs and rugged individualists, and we don't expect to help people who don't want to help themselves, but we also believe in a common good. And we believe in things like a public education system and colleges and universities that give everybody a chance to succeed. And we believe in investing in science and technology, so that these extraordinary discoveries can then be used to create entire industries and provide opportunity for more and more people.
And we believe in creating a great infrastructure, so businesses can move people and products and services seamlessly throughout our global economy. And we believe in a tax code that is fair and balanced, in which success is rewarded, but in which we also are paying for those investments that allow us to pass on a great country to the next generation.
And we believe in an energy program that taps into American energy, but also makes sure that we're taking care of our environment and we're not subject to the whims of what happens in some country in the Middle East at any given moment.
And we believe in American manufacturing -- not because manufacturing is going to be as central to today's economy as it was back in the 1950s, but when we make things and produce things and sell things around the world, there is a basic strength to our economy that ripples everywhere, and gives more and more the chance to get ahead, just as the auto industry did for two or three generations, which is exactly why we had to intercede to make sure that they succeeded.
So on each of these issues about the economy, there are profound, fundamental differences. And we had a stalemate in Washington now for three years. And you, the American voter, is going to have to break that stalemate.
Now, that's before we start getting into foreign policy, where my opponent thinks that it is tragic that I ended the war in Iraq the way I did, or that resists setting a timeline for getting out of Afghanistan; that doesn't capture the differences we have on things like women's health, where my opponent wants to end funding for Planned Parenthood or restrict access to birth control.
It doesn’t capture the differences we have on something like "don't ask, don't tell." I think if you love this country, it shouldn't matter who you love, you should be able to serve. (Applause.)
The Supreme Court, immigration reform, environmental protection -- you name it, there's a fundamental choice involved.
So this is going to be a close election -- not because people are particularly persuaded by the argument the other side is making -- it's the same, old argument they've been making for the last 30, 40 years. It's going to be close because people are scared and frustrated, and there are a lot of folks who are still out of work and the economy is still tough. And the other side is spending more money than we've ever seen before, trying to tap into those anxieties. They're betting they don't have to offer much; they just say things aren't good and it's Obama's fault.
The good news is that as I've traveled around the country over the last several years, what I've realized is that core decency and strength and common sense of the American people, it wins out in the end. When folks are mobilized and activated, and when we're out there speaking truth, over time it breaks through. It wins out.
But it doesn't happen automatically. It happens because of effort. It happens because of determination. And although it is true that I'm a little grayer now than I was when I met some of you the first time -- (laughter) -- my determination is undiminished. I am as fired up as I ever was. And I hope you're ready to go. (Applause.)
Thanks. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you. (Applause.)
END
9:45 P.M. EDT
Weston, Massachusetts
9:34 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) You don't need to stand up again. No, you already did that, come on, come on. (Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Thank you so much. (Applause.)
Let me, first of all, thank Doug and Judy and George and Lizbeth. What a spectacular evening. You guys could not be more gracious. And if this is the first time you've done this -- you're actually quite good at this. (Laughter.) So just want to let you know that you're doing fine. (Laughter.) Really.
A couple other people who are here -- as was mentioned, Rob Barber has been an extraordinary friend for many, many years. And so we thank him for all of his support. (Applause.) We've also got somebody who I met when I was still running for the U.S. Senate and has been a wonderful friend all these years -- your Treasurer, Steve Grossman, is here. (Applause.) Where is Steve? There he is.
And finally, let me just say that somebody who I genuinely consider a brother -- I don't mean that in the vernacular. (Laughter.) I mean somebody who -- when I think about people who I admire, I care about, who I just think is good people and who articulates a vision of what this country should be as well as anybody in this country -- it's your Governor, Deval Patrick. (Applause.) I love the guy. Thank you. (Applause.) Deval Patrick. (Applause.)
So some of you were at Symphony Hall, and I had a chance to give a long speech. And what I'd like to do tonight -- take advantage of the fact that we have an intimate setting -- I'm not going to give a long speech at the front end. What I'd rather do is have a conversation, answer your questions, take some comments.
But let me just say at the top that many of you were involved in the election in 2008, and in some ways when I talk to my political team about -- and reminisce about 2008, it was like lightening in a bottle. It captured a spirit and an energy and an electricity that was spectacular. And I couldn't be prouder of the campaign we ran in 2008.
But in some ways, this election is more important than 2008. In some ways, the stakes are higher. Because back in 2008, there was some overlap between Democrats and Republicans on some important issues. The nominee from the other party believed in climate change, believed in campaign finance reform, believed in immigration reform. And what we’ve seen in the face of probably the worst financial crisis and economic crisis of our lifetimes is that the Republican Party has moved in a fundamentally different direction, so that on every issue we have fundamental choices that are at stake that will determine not just how we do tomorrow or the next day, but for the next 10 years or the next 20 years.
And I’ve said this before and I believe it -- this is a make-or-break moment for who we are as a country and the values that we live by. And I think it's a make-or-break moment for the middle class in this country, or everybody who is aspiring to get into the middle class.
Obviously we're still recovering from the financial crisis and the economic crisis, and there are a lot of people who are still out of work, and a lot of homes that are still underwater, and a lot of businesses that are still struggling. But for a decade before that crisis, what we had seen was that the basic bargain that built this country, that allowed so many of us to be successful -- the notion that if you work hard, no matter who you are, where you come from, what you look like, who you love, you can make it; that if you're responsible and you look after your family and you apply yourself, you can support a family and have a home and send your kids to college so they can do better than you ever imagined -- that basic compact had been eroding -- so that job growth had been more sluggish in the previous decade than any time in the previous 50 years, and a few people were doing extraordinarily well, but for more and more people it was a struggle just to keep up.
And it was papered over for a while through debt and home equity loans and credit cards, but that was a house of cards that all came tumbling down. And so, even as we work on the immediate task of putting people back to work and getting the economy growing faster, we've got this underlying challenge that we have to meet. And that is, how do we get back to an economy that is built to last, and where everybody has got a fair shot and everybody is doing their fair share and everybody is playing by the same set of rules?
And in answering that question, we've got two fundamentally different visions -- one vision that essentially can be summed up as get rid of all regulations and cut taxes for another $5 trillion, a top-down approach to economic growth.
And I've got a different vision that says we are entrepreneurs and rugged individualists, and we don't expect to help people who don't want to help themselves, but we also believe in a common good. And we believe in things like a public education system and colleges and universities that give everybody a chance to succeed. And we believe in investing in science and technology, so that these extraordinary discoveries can then be used to create entire industries and provide opportunity for more and more people.
And we believe in creating a great infrastructure, so businesses can move people and products and services seamlessly throughout our global economy. And we believe in a tax code that is fair and balanced, in which success is rewarded, but in which we also are paying for those investments that allow us to pass on a great country to the next generation.
And we believe in an energy program that taps into American energy, but also makes sure that we're taking care of our environment and we're not subject to the whims of what happens in some country in the Middle East at any given moment.
And we believe in American manufacturing -- not because manufacturing is going to be as central to today's economy as it was back in the 1950s, but when we make things and produce things and sell things around the world, there is a basic strength to our economy that ripples everywhere, and gives more and more the chance to get ahead, just as the auto industry did for two or three generations, which is exactly why we had to intercede to make sure that they succeeded.
So on each of these issues about the economy, there are profound, fundamental differences. And we had a stalemate in Washington now for three years. And you, the American voter, is going to have to break that stalemate.
Now, that's before we start getting into foreign policy, where my opponent thinks that it is tragic that I ended the war in Iraq the way I did, or that resists setting a timeline for getting out of Afghanistan; that doesn't capture the differences we have on things like women's health, where my opponent wants to end funding for Planned Parenthood or restrict access to birth control.
It doesn’t capture the differences we have on something like "don't ask, don't tell." I think if you love this country, it shouldn't matter who you love, you should be able to serve. (Applause.)
The Supreme Court, immigration reform, environmental protection -- you name it, there's a fundamental choice involved.
So this is going to be a close election -- not because people are particularly persuaded by the argument the other side is making -- it's the same, old argument they've been making for the last 30, 40 years. It's going to be close because people are scared and frustrated, and there are a lot of folks who are still out of work and the economy is still tough. And the other side is spending more money than we've ever seen before, trying to tap into those anxieties. They're betting they don't have to offer much; they just say things aren't good and it's Obama's fault.
The good news is that as I've traveled around the country over the last several years, what I've realized is that core decency and strength and common sense of the American people, it wins out in the end. When folks are mobilized and activated, and when we're out there speaking truth, over time it breaks through. It wins out.
But it doesn't happen automatically. It happens because of effort. It happens because of determination. And although it is true that I'm a little grayer now than I was when I met some of you the first time -- (laughter) -- my determination is undiminished. I am as fired up as I ever was. And I hope you're ready to go. (Applause.)
Thanks. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you. (Applause.)
END
9:45 P.M. EDT
Michael Steele John Boehner Speaker Pelosi stimulus bill recession
Remarks by the President at a Campaign Event
Symphony Hall
Boston, Massachusetts
7:41 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Boston! (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you, Boston. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you, Boston. Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. Please, everybody have a seat. Oh, it is -- (laughter) --
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Well, it is good to be back in Boston. (Applause.) Good to be back in Massachusetts.
I want to make some acknowledgments here. First of all, you’ve got one of the finest governors in the country in Deval Patrick. (Applause.) You’ve got one of the finest mayors in the country in the Tom Menino. (Applause.) You’ve got an outstanding state auditor in Suzanne Bump. (Applause.)
And I just want to thank Elizabeth for that introduction, and let you know how lucky all of you are to have a chance to vote for her in the next election. (Applause.) Nobody fought harder for Wall Street reform -- the reform that is now law and protecting consumers all across the country -- than Elizabeth, reform that will end taxpayer bailouts, make sure folks aren’t being taken advantage of by mortgage lenders and credit card companies. She has been a fierce advocate since before I knew her for the middle class. She has been advocating on core issues that matter to families her entire career. She is going to be an outstanding senator from Massachusetts, and everybody here has got to turn out for her. (Applause.)
I want to thank Miri Ben-Ari for her outstanding talent. (Applause.) We appreciate her appearing here today. I will not sing today, even though -- (laughter) -- when I’m in Symphony Hall, I’m tempted. (Applause.) I am tempted, but -- (laughter and applause) -- can’t do it. We have some serious business to attend to. (Laughter.)
I also want to acknowledge former Governor Michael Dukakis, who is here, and his lovely wife Kitty. (Applause.) And finally, Bos, I just want to say thank you for Youkilis.
AUDIENCE: Booo --
THE PRESIDENT: I’m just saying. He’s going to have to change the color of his "sox." (Laughter and boos.) I didn’t think I’d get any “boos” out of here, but -- (laughter) -- I guess I shouldn’t have -- I should not have brought up baseball. I understand. My mistake.
AUDICEN: Booo --
THE PRESIDENT: My mistake. You’ve got to know your crowd. (Laughter.)
AUDIENCE MEMBER: We still love you! (Laughter and applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Now, Boston, I’m here not just because I need your help -- although I do. I’m here because the country needs your help.
Now, in 2008, we came together not just to support a candidate -- it wasn’t just about me. When you support a guy named Barack Obama, you’re not doing it because you thought it was a sure thing. (Laughter.) The reason we came together in 2008 was because we had a shared vision about what’s best in this country. We wanted to reclaim the basic bargain that made America what it is, that built the largest middle class in history, that built the most prosperous nation on Earth -- that compact that binds us together as a people, that binds us together as citizens. We believed that in America, your success shouldn’t be determined by the circumstances of your birth. (Applause.)
We believed that if you worked hard, you should be able to find a good job; if you meet your responsibilities, you should be able to support your family and own a home, maybe start a business, give your kids opportunities you could not have imagined -- no matter who you are, no matter what you look like, no matter where you come from, no matter who you love, no matter what your last name is.
It’s that basic bargain that allowed Michelle and I to succeed. It’s that basic bargain that took a young kid from the South Side of Chicago to become the governor of the Commonwealth. It’s that basic bargain that brought a lot of your parents or grandparents or great-grandparents to these shores from countries where that ideal didn’t take root. And it was that basic bargain, that simple dream, that we understood had been slipping away for too many Americans.
We’ve gone through a decade in which surpluses were turned into deficits, in which two wars were fought on a credit card, in which a few people were doing very well but more and more people were having trouble just getting by, no matter how hard they worked -- all of which culminated in the worst financial crisis of our lifetimes. And after that crisis, that dream seemed even more tattered, even more frayed.
And so we went to work. And over the last three-and-a-half years, step by step, we've tried to rebuilt the foundations of that dream, making sure that we reformed our financial system so that reckless bets didn’t always bring down our economy; making sure that people who are out there working hard don't have to worry about being bankrupt just because somebody in their family gets sick; making sure that young people are able to get the assistance they need to go to college and make something that approximates their dreams.
And because of the incredible resilience and the incredible hard work, the toughness of the American people, we’ve begun to see progress -- created over 4 million jobs over the last three-and-a-half years -- (applause) -- 800,000 in the last few months alone. (Applause.) When some were saying let’s go ahead and let Detroit go bankrupt, we bet on the American worker and American industries. (Applause.) And today the U.S. auto industry is back on top and getting stronger. (Applause.)
But what we also understand is, is that there are way too many people out there who are still struggling, too many people whose homes are underwater, too many small businesses that are still finding it hard to get financing and keep their doors open.
And so the debate in this election is not whether we have more work to do. Of course the economy is not where it needs to be. Of course there are too many folks still struggling. Of course we need to do better. These challenges were built up over years. They weren’t created overnight; they weren’t going to be solved overnight. But the debate in this election is how do we grow the economy faster? How do we create more jobs? Moving forward, how do we create more opportunity? How do we pay down our debt? How do we reclaim that basic bargain that makes America the greatest nation on Earth? How do we do it?
And this is not just your usual run-of-the-mill Washington Beltway argument. This is the defining issue of our time. It is a make-or-break moment for our middle class, and the next President and the next Congress will be setting the course on the economy, on deficits, on taxes, not just for today, not just for tomorrow, but the next decade, the next two. This election will have an enormous impact on the country we live in today, but more importantly, it’s going to have an impact on the country we pass on to our children.
Now, what’s holding us back from meeting these challenges -- as much progress as we’ve made -- what's holding us back still is not a lack of big ideas, it’s not a lack of technical solutions. All the options are out there. Everybody knows what’s holding us back is a stalemate in Washington between two fundamentally different visions of which direction we should go.
And this election is your chance to break that stalemate. This election is your chance to move this country forward. (Applause.) This is your choice. (Applause.)
And let’s be clear about what these choices are. Mr. Romney and his allies in Congress, they’ve got a very particular theory about how you grow the economy. They believe we should go back to the top-down economic policies of the last decade. You can sum them up fairly simply. They believe that if we eliminate regulations and cut taxes by trillions of dollars, that will free up the marketplace and will solve all our problems. That's the essence of their argument. They argue if we help corporations and wealthy investors maximize their profits by whatever means necessary -- whether through layoffs or outsourcing or union-busting -- that that will automatically translate into jobs and prosperity that benefit all of us. That's their theory.
And that's not an exaggeration. Just last week, it was reported that Governor Romney’s old firm owned companies that were "pioneers" -- this is not my phrase, but how it was described in the report -- "pioneers" in the business of outsourcing American jobs to places like China and India. Yesterday, his advisors tried to clear this up by telling us that there was a difference between "outsourcing" and "off-shoring." (Laughter.) Seriously. You can’t make that up. (Laughter and applause.)
What Mr. Romney and his advisors don't seem to understand is this: If you’re a worker whose job went overseas, you really don’t need somebody explaining you the difference between outsourcing and offshoring. (Laughter.) What you need is somebody who is going to wake up every day fighting to make sure that investments and jobs are happening here in Massachusetts, and here in the United States of America. That's what you need. (Applause.)
And let me be clear. We all believe in the free market. We all believe that risk-takers and entrepreneurs need to be rewarded. It's that dynamism that built this country. But we also believe in shared prosperity. I want to close the outsourcing loophole in our tax code. I want to give tax breaks to companies who create jobs and manufacturing right here in the United States of America. (Applause.)
And this particular commitment to outsourcing isn't just part of his record. It's part of an overall economic theory that Republicans in Congress want to implement if they win this election. It's been voted on in Congress. It's right there on Governor Romney's website. They promise to roll back all kinds of regulations on banks and polluters, insurance companies, oil companies. They don't want to just keep all of the Bush tax cuts in place, including tax cuts for folks who don't need them and weren't asking for them; they want to add another $5 trillion in tax cuts on top of that, including a 25 percent tax cut for every millionaire in this country.
Now, you may be wondering, how do they spend $5 trillion on new tax cuts and still keep a straight face when they say that their plan would reduce the deficit? This is a good question that you're asking yourselves. (Laughter.) Boston has a lot of smart people in it. (Laughter.) And I'm sure that we probably have some MIT grads here. (Applause.) See -- math majors, they're thinking $5 trillion, all right, how does that add up?
Well, they start by proposing a trillion dollars in cuts to things like education and training, medical research, clean energy. But that’s only a trillion dollars, so that's not enough. So then they propose eliminating health care for about 50 million Americans and converting Medicare into a voucher program. But that’s still not enough. So then they also have to effectively raise taxes on the middle class by taking away tax deductions for everything from health care, college, retirement, homeownership -- which could cost families thousands of dollars.
Now, this is on their websites; they voted on these plans. That's the entirety of their economic approach. That's it. There's nothing new there. We've tried this, by the way. When Mr. Romney tells us that he is some sort of financial wizard who can fix our economy, this is how he intends to do it.
Now, if you're a person who thinks this plan sounds like a good idea, if we want to try the same policies that we just implemented in the last decade and did not work -- those folks should vote for Mr. Romney. They should reelect the Republicans who have been running this Congress. And together, I promise you this is the path they'll take America down. They're more than qualified to do it. (Laughter.)
But I believe their policies have been tested, and their policies have failed. And that’s because in this country, prosperity hasn't come from the top down. It's come from a strong and growing middle class. It's come from people striving to get into that middle class. It's come from successful, thriving small businesses that turned into medium-sized businesses and large businesses. It comes from consumers who are seeing enough income and wage increases that they can afford to buy great products and services from businesses -- and the entire economy grows.
We do not need more top-down economics. We need a plan for better education and training so that our young people can take advantage of the marketplace; for energy independence and innovation and infrastructure. And we need a tax code that encourages companies to create jobs here in the United States, and a tax code that asks the wealthiest Americans to help pay down our deficit. That's what we need. (Applause.) That's what we need. (Applause.)
There's nothing radical about that vision. That’s the vision that built this country. It was part of what used to be a bipartisan consensus. We don’t expect government to solve all our problems. This notion that somehow there's been some heavy tilt to the left on the part of the Democratic Party -- over the last three years, I cut taxes for the typical working family by $3,600. I cut taxes for small businesses 18 times, eliminated billions of dollars in regulations that didn’t make sense and weren't making people healthier or safer.
I don’t believe we should be in the business of helping people who refuse to help themselves. I don't think government can solve every problem. But I do share this basic belief with our first Republican President, Abraham Lincoln, who said that through government we should do together what we cannot do as well for ourselves, -- (applause) -- that there is a place for us to work on the common good, that there's a common good that we invest in together.
That’s how we built this country -- together. We built railroads and highways -- together. We built the Hoover Dam and the Golden Gate Bridge -- together. We sent my grandfather’s generation to college on the GI Bill -- together. We invented -- we invested in basic science that led to unimaginable discoveries -- we did those things together. Because we understood it made us all better off. It gave us all opportunity -- because it created a platform where everybody could succeed.
If you were willing to work hard, you could succeed -- in part, because we had great schools, and we had built great roads, and we had a system in place that made sure that investors weren’t cheated when they put money into the stock market, and bank deposits were guaranteed, and polluters didn’t run wild. All those things made us, together, better off and allowed us to succeed as one people, as one nation. (Applause.)
That’s the true lesson of our past. That is the right vision for our future. And, Boston, that is why I’m running for a second term as President of the United States -- because I want to move that vision forward. (Applause.) I want to move that vision forward. (Applause.)
I’m running to make sure that every American has a chance to get the skills and training that today’s jobs require. I want to recruit an army of new teachers. (Applause.) I want to pay them better. I want to hire more in areas like math and science. I want to give 2 million more Americans the chance to go to community colleges and learn skills that local businesses are looking for right now. (Applause.) And I want to make higher education affordable for every American who’s willing to work for it -- not just by offering more loans and financial aid, but by bringing down the cost of college tuition -- (applause) -- because this is no longer an economic luxury. Every young American needs the skills and the training to succeed in the 21st century economy. (Applause.)
Boston understands this. Massachusetts understands this. That's what we're fighting for. That’s the choice in this election. That’s why I’m running for President of the United States. (Applause.)
I’m running so that we have a future where we control our own energy. That’s good for our economy, it's good for our national security, it's good for our planet. (Applause.) We need to end subsidies for oil companies that are making plenty of money on their own, and double down on a clean energy industry that’s never been more promising -- in wind power and solar power, and biofuels and fuel-efficient cars. (Applause.)
I’m running to make sure that the United States becomes -- continues to be the best place on Earth for innovation and discovery.
And I'm proud that I kept the promise I made to you in 2008 -- we have ended the war in Iraq. (Applause.) We are transitioning out of Afghanistan.
So I want to start doing some nation-building here at home. (Applause.) I want to take half the money we’re no longer spending on war, use it to put people back to work rebuilding our roads, rebuilding our runways, rebuilding our ports, building wireless networks, building high-speed rail. (Applause.) Investing more in research, investing more in science -- all those ingredients that made us an economic superpower. That’s the choice in this election.
I’m running because we need to reduce our deficit, we need to manage our debt, and so I've put forward a plan -- $4 trillion of deficit reduction that is balanced and responsible, that allows us to cut spending we can’t afford, strengthens programs like Medicare for the long haul, and, yes, reforms our tax code so that the wealthiest Americans pay a little bit more -- (applause.)
And just as Mr. Romney's theories and the Republicans in Congress, their theories have been tested, well, my theories have been tested as well, because that tax code that I described happened to be the tax code that was around when Bill Clinton was President, and we created 23 million new jobs, the biggest budget surplus in history. (Applause.) We created a whole lot of millionaires to boot. Businesses did just fine. (Applause.) And you know there are plenty of patriotic, successful Americans all across the country -- I meet them every day -- who'd be willing to make this contribution again because they understand there is such a thing as the common good. They understand that we’re in this thing together.
Mr. Romney disagrees with this vision. His allies in Congress disagree with this vision. Neither of them will endorse any policy that asks the wealthiest Americans to pay even a nickel more in taxes. That’s the reason why we haven’t reached an agreement to lower our deficits. That’s the reason my jobs bill that independent economists say would put 1 million more people back to work has been voted down time and time again. It’s the biggest source of gridlock in Washington for the last three years.
Which brings me back to where I started. The only way we’re going to break that gridlock is through you. Very rarely do you see such a stark choice in an election, with so much at stake. On every challenge we face, you have the final say about where do we go from here.
You can decide whether we keep our brave men and women in Afghanistan indefinitely, as Mr. Romney proposes, or whether we stick to the timeline that I established that allows us to finally bring our troops home. That’s your decision. (Applause.)
You can decide whether we should restrict access to birth control or de-fund Planned Parenthood, or we can make a decision that in this country, women control their own health choices. That’s a decision for you to make. (Applause.)
You can decide whether ending taxpayer bailouts of Wall Street banks was the right thing to do; whether protecting consumers from unscrupulous practices -- like Elizabeth fought for -- whether that's the right thing to do; whether preventing insurance companies from discriminating against people who are sick is the right thing to do; or allowing over 3 million young people to stay on their parent's health insurance plan, whether that's the right thing to do; or bringing down prescription drug costs for seniors was the right thing to do. (Applause.)
I think it was the right thing to do. (Applause.) I know it was the right thing to do. And it’s your choice whether we keep moving forward. (Applause.)
You can decide whether we go back to the days where you could be kicked out of the United States military just because of who you are or who you love. I know where I stand on this. (Applause.)
You can decide whether it’s time to stop denying citizenship to responsible young people just because they were brought here as children of undocumented immigrants. I know where I stand on this. I know the choice I make. (Applause.)
And you can decide whether we continue to have elections where multi-million-dollar donations, $10 million checks speak louder than the voices of ordinary citizens.
AUDIENCE MEMBERS: No!
THE PRESIDENT: This is going to be up to you.
This election will be close. It will be close because there are a lot of folks who are still going through a tough time. And even if they don't buy what the other side is selling, it’s hard [sic] in this environment sometimes for people to feel discouraged, for cynicism to creep in.
And the other side, they feed on that. They will spend more money than we have ever seen in American history, and their message is very simple. They will just tell you that the economy is not where it needs to be, the economy is bad, and it’s all my fault. (Laughter.) They’ll tell you, Obama can't fix it because he thinks government is always the answer; or because he didn't make a lot of money in the private sector, so he’s in over his head; or because Obama thinks everything is -- everybody is doing just fine. You’ll just hear those messages over and over and over again. Scary voices in the ads. (Laughter.) Flashing at you. (Laughter.) That's what Mr. Romney will say. That's what the Republicans in Congress will say.
And I understand their approach. I mean, it’s a plausible plan to win an election. But it’s not a plan to create jobs. It’s not a plan to grow the economy. It’s not a plan to give all the people I meet around the country who are working so hard and struggling every day -- it’s not a plan to give them a handle on achieving their dreams. It’s not a plan to rebuild our middle class.
And ultimately, that's what we have to have. We’ve got to have a plan that goes back to that basic bargain that we were fighting for in 2008, that basic compact between citizens that says, I’ve got a stake in your success. (Applause.) And that kid over in Dorchester who didn't have all the opportunities, or in South Boston who didn't have all the chances that I had, you know what, I’ve got a stake in his success. I think I’ll be better off, my kids will be better off, if that kid gets an education. (Applause.)
That sense that you know what, I don't put on a hard hat every day when I go to work, but if I’m seeing the skyline rising and those construction workers out there building, you know somehow that's going to make my life better. It’s going to help secure the future of my kids and my grandkids.
And if I see an elderly couple strolling through the park and they're holding hands, and I know that they’ve got the security and dignity of a retirement that eases their anxieties, yes, that makes me feel better about my country. It’s good for my life. (Applause.)
We are not there yet. This is hard work. It’s always been hard. Progress in this country has always been hard. It’s never come easy. There have been episodes, moments in our history where it looked easy, but it always involved struggle. And what we started in 2008, I never promised you it was going to be easy. I told you then I wasn’t a perfect man and I wouldn’t be a perfect President. But what I told was also that I promised you that every single day, I would tell you what I thought, I would tell you where I stood, and I’d wake up in the morning and I’d go to bed at night thinking about how I could make your lives better. I would fight for you as hard as I could. (Applause.)
And I’ve kept that promise. I’ve kept that promise, Boston. (Applause.) I believe in you. And if you believe in me, and if you agree with me about how we’ve got to give everybody a fair shot and we want everybody to do their fair share and we want everybody to play by the same rules, then I need you to stand with me for a second term as President. (Applause.)
I need you to knock on doors with me. I need you to make phone calls with me. I want all of you to understand that if you share this belief -- and I believe a vast majority of the American people do -- and, in fact, I think there are Republicans out there who do. (Laughter.) They just can't admit it right now. (Laughter and applause.) I’ll work with anyone of any party who believes that we are in this together and believes that we will rise and fall as one nation, as one people. That's what we’re fighting for right now.
Don't let anybody tell you we don't have the capacity to solve our challenges. We do. We’ve got the opportunities. We are Americans, and we’ve never shied away from these kinds of fights. But we’ve got to fix our politics, and you guys are the ones who are going to help fix it. (Applause.)
So I hope you’re ready. I hope you’re ready. I hope you’re still fired up. (Applause.) And if anybody asks you what this campaign is about, you tell them it’s still about hope, and it is still about change, and we’re going to finish what we started in 2008. (Applause.) We’re going to move this country forward and remind the world why America is the greatest nation on Earth.
Thank you, everybody. God bless you. God bless America. (Applause.)
END
8:24 P.M. EDT
Boston, Massachusetts
7:41 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Boston! (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you, Boston. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you, Boston. Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. Please, everybody have a seat. Oh, it is -- (laughter) --
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Well, it is good to be back in Boston. (Applause.) Good to be back in Massachusetts.
I want to make some acknowledgments here. First of all, you’ve got one of the finest governors in the country in Deval Patrick. (Applause.) You’ve got one of the finest mayors in the country in the Tom Menino. (Applause.) You’ve got an outstanding state auditor in Suzanne Bump. (Applause.)
And I just want to thank Elizabeth for that introduction, and let you know how lucky all of you are to have a chance to vote for her in the next election. (Applause.) Nobody fought harder for Wall Street reform -- the reform that is now law and protecting consumers all across the country -- than Elizabeth, reform that will end taxpayer bailouts, make sure folks aren’t being taken advantage of by mortgage lenders and credit card companies. She has been a fierce advocate since before I knew her for the middle class. She has been advocating on core issues that matter to families her entire career. She is going to be an outstanding senator from Massachusetts, and everybody here has got to turn out for her. (Applause.)
I want to thank Miri Ben-Ari for her outstanding talent. (Applause.) We appreciate her appearing here today. I will not sing today, even though -- (laughter) -- when I’m in Symphony Hall, I’m tempted. (Applause.) I am tempted, but -- (laughter and applause) -- can’t do it. We have some serious business to attend to. (Laughter.)
I also want to acknowledge former Governor Michael Dukakis, who is here, and his lovely wife Kitty. (Applause.) And finally, Bos, I just want to say thank you for Youkilis.
AUDIENCE: Booo --
THE PRESIDENT: I’m just saying. He’s going to have to change the color of his "sox." (Laughter and boos.) I didn’t think I’d get any “boos” out of here, but -- (laughter) -- I guess I shouldn’t have -- I should not have brought up baseball. I understand. My mistake.
AUDICEN: Booo --
THE PRESIDENT: My mistake. You’ve got to know your crowd. (Laughter.)
AUDIENCE MEMBER: We still love you! (Laughter and applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Now, Boston, I’m here not just because I need your help -- although I do. I’m here because the country needs your help.
Now, in 2008, we came together not just to support a candidate -- it wasn’t just about me. When you support a guy named Barack Obama, you’re not doing it because you thought it was a sure thing. (Laughter.) The reason we came together in 2008 was because we had a shared vision about what’s best in this country. We wanted to reclaim the basic bargain that made America what it is, that built the largest middle class in history, that built the most prosperous nation on Earth -- that compact that binds us together as a people, that binds us together as citizens. We believed that in America, your success shouldn’t be determined by the circumstances of your birth. (Applause.)
We believed that if you worked hard, you should be able to find a good job; if you meet your responsibilities, you should be able to support your family and own a home, maybe start a business, give your kids opportunities you could not have imagined -- no matter who you are, no matter what you look like, no matter where you come from, no matter who you love, no matter what your last name is.
It’s that basic bargain that allowed Michelle and I to succeed. It’s that basic bargain that took a young kid from the South Side of Chicago to become the governor of the Commonwealth. It’s that basic bargain that brought a lot of your parents or grandparents or great-grandparents to these shores from countries where that ideal didn’t take root. And it was that basic bargain, that simple dream, that we understood had been slipping away for too many Americans.
We’ve gone through a decade in which surpluses were turned into deficits, in which two wars were fought on a credit card, in which a few people were doing very well but more and more people were having trouble just getting by, no matter how hard they worked -- all of which culminated in the worst financial crisis of our lifetimes. And after that crisis, that dream seemed even more tattered, even more frayed.
And so we went to work. And over the last three-and-a-half years, step by step, we've tried to rebuilt the foundations of that dream, making sure that we reformed our financial system so that reckless bets didn’t always bring down our economy; making sure that people who are out there working hard don't have to worry about being bankrupt just because somebody in their family gets sick; making sure that young people are able to get the assistance they need to go to college and make something that approximates their dreams.
And because of the incredible resilience and the incredible hard work, the toughness of the American people, we’ve begun to see progress -- created over 4 million jobs over the last three-and-a-half years -- (applause) -- 800,000 in the last few months alone. (Applause.) When some were saying let’s go ahead and let Detroit go bankrupt, we bet on the American worker and American industries. (Applause.) And today the U.S. auto industry is back on top and getting stronger. (Applause.)
But what we also understand is, is that there are way too many people out there who are still struggling, too many people whose homes are underwater, too many small businesses that are still finding it hard to get financing and keep their doors open.
And so the debate in this election is not whether we have more work to do. Of course the economy is not where it needs to be. Of course there are too many folks still struggling. Of course we need to do better. These challenges were built up over years. They weren’t created overnight; they weren’t going to be solved overnight. But the debate in this election is how do we grow the economy faster? How do we create more jobs? Moving forward, how do we create more opportunity? How do we pay down our debt? How do we reclaim that basic bargain that makes America the greatest nation on Earth? How do we do it?
And this is not just your usual run-of-the-mill Washington Beltway argument. This is the defining issue of our time. It is a make-or-break moment for our middle class, and the next President and the next Congress will be setting the course on the economy, on deficits, on taxes, not just for today, not just for tomorrow, but the next decade, the next two. This election will have an enormous impact on the country we live in today, but more importantly, it’s going to have an impact on the country we pass on to our children.
Now, what’s holding us back from meeting these challenges -- as much progress as we’ve made -- what's holding us back still is not a lack of big ideas, it’s not a lack of technical solutions. All the options are out there. Everybody knows what’s holding us back is a stalemate in Washington between two fundamentally different visions of which direction we should go.
And this election is your chance to break that stalemate. This election is your chance to move this country forward. (Applause.) This is your choice. (Applause.)
And let’s be clear about what these choices are. Mr. Romney and his allies in Congress, they’ve got a very particular theory about how you grow the economy. They believe we should go back to the top-down economic policies of the last decade. You can sum them up fairly simply. They believe that if we eliminate regulations and cut taxes by trillions of dollars, that will free up the marketplace and will solve all our problems. That's the essence of their argument. They argue if we help corporations and wealthy investors maximize their profits by whatever means necessary -- whether through layoffs or outsourcing or union-busting -- that that will automatically translate into jobs and prosperity that benefit all of us. That's their theory.
And that's not an exaggeration. Just last week, it was reported that Governor Romney’s old firm owned companies that were "pioneers" -- this is not my phrase, but how it was described in the report -- "pioneers" in the business of outsourcing American jobs to places like China and India. Yesterday, his advisors tried to clear this up by telling us that there was a difference between "outsourcing" and "off-shoring." (Laughter.) Seriously. You can’t make that up. (Laughter and applause.)
What Mr. Romney and his advisors don't seem to understand is this: If you’re a worker whose job went overseas, you really don’t need somebody explaining you the difference between outsourcing and offshoring. (Laughter.) What you need is somebody who is going to wake up every day fighting to make sure that investments and jobs are happening here in Massachusetts, and here in the United States of America. That's what you need. (Applause.)
And let me be clear. We all believe in the free market. We all believe that risk-takers and entrepreneurs need to be rewarded. It's that dynamism that built this country. But we also believe in shared prosperity. I want to close the outsourcing loophole in our tax code. I want to give tax breaks to companies who create jobs and manufacturing right here in the United States of America. (Applause.)
And this particular commitment to outsourcing isn't just part of his record. It's part of an overall economic theory that Republicans in Congress want to implement if they win this election. It's been voted on in Congress. It's right there on Governor Romney's website. They promise to roll back all kinds of regulations on banks and polluters, insurance companies, oil companies. They don't want to just keep all of the Bush tax cuts in place, including tax cuts for folks who don't need them and weren't asking for them; they want to add another $5 trillion in tax cuts on top of that, including a 25 percent tax cut for every millionaire in this country.
Now, you may be wondering, how do they spend $5 trillion on new tax cuts and still keep a straight face when they say that their plan would reduce the deficit? This is a good question that you're asking yourselves. (Laughter.) Boston has a lot of smart people in it. (Laughter.) And I'm sure that we probably have some MIT grads here. (Applause.) See -- math majors, they're thinking $5 trillion, all right, how does that add up?
Well, they start by proposing a trillion dollars in cuts to things like education and training, medical research, clean energy. But that’s only a trillion dollars, so that's not enough. So then they propose eliminating health care for about 50 million Americans and converting Medicare into a voucher program. But that’s still not enough. So then they also have to effectively raise taxes on the middle class by taking away tax deductions for everything from health care, college, retirement, homeownership -- which could cost families thousands of dollars.
Now, this is on their websites; they voted on these plans. That's the entirety of their economic approach. That's it. There's nothing new there. We've tried this, by the way. When Mr. Romney tells us that he is some sort of financial wizard who can fix our economy, this is how he intends to do it.
Now, if you're a person who thinks this plan sounds like a good idea, if we want to try the same policies that we just implemented in the last decade and did not work -- those folks should vote for Mr. Romney. They should reelect the Republicans who have been running this Congress. And together, I promise you this is the path they'll take America down. They're more than qualified to do it. (Laughter.)
But I believe their policies have been tested, and their policies have failed. And that’s because in this country, prosperity hasn't come from the top down. It's come from a strong and growing middle class. It's come from people striving to get into that middle class. It's come from successful, thriving small businesses that turned into medium-sized businesses and large businesses. It comes from consumers who are seeing enough income and wage increases that they can afford to buy great products and services from businesses -- and the entire economy grows.
We do not need more top-down economics. We need a plan for better education and training so that our young people can take advantage of the marketplace; for energy independence and innovation and infrastructure. And we need a tax code that encourages companies to create jobs here in the United States, and a tax code that asks the wealthiest Americans to help pay down our deficit. That's what we need. (Applause.) That's what we need. (Applause.)
There's nothing radical about that vision. That’s the vision that built this country. It was part of what used to be a bipartisan consensus. We don’t expect government to solve all our problems. This notion that somehow there's been some heavy tilt to the left on the part of the Democratic Party -- over the last three years, I cut taxes for the typical working family by $3,600. I cut taxes for small businesses 18 times, eliminated billions of dollars in regulations that didn’t make sense and weren't making people healthier or safer.
I don’t believe we should be in the business of helping people who refuse to help themselves. I don't think government can solve every problem. But I do share this basic belief with our first Republican President, Abraham Lincoln, who said that through government we should do together what we cannot do as well for ourselves, -- (applause) -- that there is a place for us to work on the common good, that there's a common good that we invest in together.
That’s how we built this country -- together. We built railroads and highways -- together. We built the Hoover Dam and the Golden Gate Bridge -- together. We sent my grandfather’s generation to college on the GI Bill -- together. We invented -- we invested in basic science that led to unimaginable discoveries -- we did those things together. Because we understood it made us all better off. It gave us all opportunity -- because it created a platform where everybody could succeed.
If you were willing to work hard, you could succeed -- in part, because we had great schools, and we had built great roads, and we had a system in place that made sure that investors weren’t cheated when they put money into the stock market, and bank deposits were guaranteed, and polluters didn’t run wild. All those things made us, together, better off and allowed us to succeed as one people, as one nation. (Applause.)
That’s the true lesson of our past. That is the right vision for our future. And, Boston, that is why I’m running for a second term as President of the United States -- because I want to move that vision forward. (Applause.) I want to move that vision forward. (Applause.)
I’m running to make sure that every American has a chance to get the skills and training that today’s jobs require. I want to recruit an army of new teachers. (Applause.) I want to pay them better. I want to hire more in areas like math and science. I want to give 2 million more Americans the chance to go to community colleges and learn skills that local businesses are looking for right now. (Applause.) And I want to make higher education affordable for every American who’s willing to work for it -- not just by offering more loans and financial aid, but by bringing down the cost of college tuition -- (applause) -- because this is no longer an economic luxury. Every young American needs the skills and the training to succeed in the 21st century economy. (Applause.)
Boston understands this. Massachusetts understands this. That's what we're fighting for. That’s the choice in this election. That’s why I’m running for President of the United States. (Applause.)
I’m running so that we have a future where we control our own energy. That’s good for our economy, it's good for our national security, it's good for our planet. (Applause.) We need to end subsidies for oil companies that are making plenty of money on their own, and double down on a clean energy industry that’s never been more promising -- in wind power and solar power, and biofuels and fuel-efficient cars. (Applause.)
I’m running to make sure that the United States becomes -- continues to be the best place on Earth for innovation and discovery.
And I'm proud that I kept the promise I made to you in 2008 -- we have ended the war in Iraq. (Applause.) We are transitioning out of Afghanistan.
So I want to start doing some nation-building here at home. (Applause.) I want to take half the money we’re no longer spending on war, use it to put people back to work rebuilding our roads, rebuilding our runways, rebuilding our ports, building wireless networks, building high-speed rail. (Applause.) Investing more in research, investing more in science -- all those ingredients that made us an economic superpower. That’s the choice in this election.
I’m running because we need to reduce our deficit, we need to manage our debt, and so I've put forward a plan -- $4 trillion of deficit reduction that is balanced and responsible, that allows us to cut spending we can’t afford, strengthens programs like Medicare for the long haul, and, yes, reforms our tax code so that the wealthiest Americans pay a little bit more -- (applause.)
And just as Mr. Romney's theories and the Republicans in Congress, their theories have been tested, well, my theories have been tested as well, because that tax code that I described happened to be the tax code that was around when Bill Clinton was President, and we created 23 million new jobs, the biggest budget surplus in history. (Applause.) We created a whole lot of millionaires to boot. Businesses did just fine. (Applause.) And you know there are plenty of patriotic, successful Americans all across the country -- I meet them every day -- who'd be willing to make this contribution again because they understand there is such a thing as the common good. They understand that we’re in this thing together.
Mr. Romney disagrees with this vision. His allies in Congress disagree with this vision. Neither of them will endorse any policy that asks the wealthiest Americans to pay even a nickel more in taxes. That’s the reason why we haven’t reached an agreement to lower our deficits. That’s the reason my jobs bill that independent economists say would put 1 million more people back to work has been voted down time and time again. It’s the biggest source of gridlock in Washington for the last three years.
Which brings me back to where I started. The only way we’re going to break that gridlock is through you. Very rarely do you see such a stark choice in an election, with so much at stake. On every challenge we face, you have the final say about where do we go from here.
You can decide whether we keep our brave men and women in Afghanistan indefinitely, as Mr. Romney proposes, or whether we stick to the timeline that I established that allows us to finally bring our troops home. That’s your decision. (Applause.)
You can decide whether we should restrict access to birth control or de-fund Planned Parenthood, or we can make a decision that in this country, women control their own health choices. That’s a decision for you to make. (Applause.)
You can decide whether ending taxpayer bailouts of Wall Street banks was the right thing to do; whether protecting consumers from unscrupulous practices -- like Elizabeth fought for -- whether that's the right thing to do; whether preventing insurance companies from discriminating against people who are sick is the right thing to do; or allowing over 3 million young people to stay on their parent's health insurance plan, whether that's the right thing to do; or bringing down prescription drug costs for seniors was the right thing to do. (Applause.)
I think it was the right thing to do. (Applause.) I know it was the right thing to do. And it’s your choice whether we keep moving forward. (Applause.)
You can decide whether we go back to the days where you could be kicked out of the United States military just because of who you are or who you love. I know where I stand on this. (Applause.)
You can decide whether it’s time to stop denying citizenship to responsible young people just because they were brought here as children of undocumented immigrants. I know where I stand on this. I know the choice I make. (Applause.)
And you can decide whether we continue to have elections where multi-million-dollar donations, $10 million checks speak louder than the voices of ordinary citizens.
AUDIENCE MEMBERS: No!
THE PRESIDENT: This is going to be up to you.
This election will be close. It will be close because there are a lot of folks who are still going through a tough time. And even if they don't buy what the other side is selling, it’s hard [sic] in this environment sometimes for people to feel discouraged, for cynicism to creep in.
And the other side, they feed on that. They will spend more money than we have ever seen in American history, and their message is very simple. They will just tell you that the economy is not where it needs to be, the economy is bad, and it’s all my fault. (Laughter.) They’ll tell you, Obama can't fix it because he thinks government is always the answer; or because he didn't make a lot of money in the private sector, so he’s in over his head; or because Obama thinks everything is -- everybody is doing just fine. You’ll just hear those messages over and over and over again. Scary voices in the ads. (Laughter.) Flashing at you. (Laughter.) That's what Mr. Romney will say. That's what the Republicans in Congress will say.
And I understand their approach. I mean, it’s a plausible plan to win an election. But it’s not a plan to create jobs. It’s not a plan to grow the economy. It’s not a plan to give all the people I meet around the country who are working so hard and struggling every day -- it’s not a plan to give them a handle on achieving their dreams. It’s not a plan to rebuild our middle class.
And ultimately, that's what we have to have. We’ve got to have a plan that goes back to that basic bargain that we were fighting for in 2008, that basic compact between citizens that says, I’ve got a stake in your success. (Applause.) And that kid over in Dorchester who didn't have all the opportunities, or in South Boston who didn't have all the chances that I had, you know what, I’ve got a stake in his success. I think I’ll be better off, my kids will be better off, if that kid gets an education. (Applause.)
That sense that you know what, I don't put on a hard hat every day when I go to work, but if I’m seeing the skyline rising and those construction workers out there building, you know somehow that's going to make my life better. It’s going to help secure the future of my kids and my grandkids.
And if I see an elderly couple strolling through the park and they're holding hands, and I know that they’ve got the security and dignity of a retirement that eases their anxieties, yes, that makes me feel better about my country. It’s good for my life. (Applause.)
We are not there yet. This is hard work. It’s always been hard. Progress in this country has always been hard. It’s never come easy. There have been episodes, moments in our history where it looked easy, but it always involved struggle. And what we started in 2008, I never promised you it was going to be easy. I told you then I wasn’t a perfect man and I wouldn’t be a perfect President. But what I told was also that I promised you that every single day, I would tell you what I thought, I would tell you where I stood, and I’d wake up in the morning and I’d go to bed at night thinking about how I could make your lives better. I would fight for you as hard as I could. (Applause.)
And I’ve kept that promise. I’ve kept that promise, Boston. (Applause.) I believe in you. And if you believe in me, and if you agree with me about how we’ve got to give everybody a fair shot and we want everybody to do their fair share and we want everybody to play by the same rules, then I need you to stand with me for a second term as President. (Applause.)
I need you to knock on doors with me. I need you to make phone calls with me. I want all of you to understand that if you share this belief -- and I believe a vast majority of the American people do -- and, in fact, I think there are Republicans out there who do. (Laughter.) They just can't admit it right now. (Laughter and applause.) I’ll work with anyone of any party who believes that we are in this together and believes that we will rise and fall as one nation, as one people. That's what we’re fighting for right now.
Don't let anybody tell you we don't have the capacity to solve our challenges. We do. We’ve got the opportunities. We are Americans, and we’ve never shied away from these kinds of fights. But we’ve got to fix our politics, and you guys are the ones who are going to help fix it. (Applause.)
So I hope you’re ready. I hope you’re ready. I hope you’re still fired up. (Applause.) And if anybody asks you what this campaign is about, you tell them it’s still about hope, and it is still about change, and we’re going to finish what we started in 2008. (Applause.) We’re going to move this country forward and remind the world why America is the greatest nation on Earth.
Thank you, everybody. God bless you. God bless America. (Applause.)
END
8:24 P.M. EDT
Thursday, June 28, 2012
Falling in Love... with Dirt
Paul Quinn College has found a way to score big on the football field?without playing a single down.
The Dallas, Texas college, which was founded in 1872, recently abandoned its football program and converted the field into a working organic farm maintained by the students themselves.
The metamorphosis was the idea of Quinn president Michael Sorrell, whose goal was to teach agriculture to students in an urban community that, due to the dearth of supermarkets in the area, has difficulty obtaining quality food.
The 'We Over Me Farm' is, as Sorrell describes it, the fundamental core of the institution.
"It shapes the way we view ourselves," says Sorrell. "It shapes the way we teach our students, it shapes the way we reach out to the community, it provides a very real and tangible example of this notion that we simply can do better and we don't have to wait for anyone to do for us [what] we can do for ourselves."
The project has caught on with enthusiastic Quinn undergrads like Ronisha Isham, who has the neighborhood in mind. "It helps the community," Isham says, "and I'm really big on community service."
Fellow student Benito Vidaure beams, "I just fell in love with the dirt."
Slow Films has more on 'We Over Me Farm' in a short-form video viewable here. For further reading, see Janet Heimlich's article in 'The Texas Observer.'
The Dallas, Texas college, which was founded in 1872, recently abandoned its football program and converted the field into a working organic farm maintained by the students themselves.
The metamorphosis was the idea of Quinn president Michael Sorrell, whose goal was to teach agriculture to students in an urban community that, due to the dearth of supermarkets in the area, has difficulty obtaining quality food.
The 'We Over Me Farm' is, as Sorrell describes it, the fundamental core of the institution.
"It shapes the way we view ourselves," says Sorrell. "It shapes the way we teach our students, it shapes the way we reach out to the community, it provides a very real and tangible example of this notion that we simply can do better and we don't have to wait for anyone to do for us [what] we can do for ourselves."
The project has caught on with enthusiastic Quinn undergrads like Ronisha Isham, who has the neighborhood in mind. "It helps the community," Isham says, "and I'm really big on community service."
Fellow student Benito Vidaure beams, "I just fell in love with the dirt."
Slow Films has more on 'We Over Me Farm' in a short-form video viewable here. For further reading, see Janet Heimlich's article in 'The Texas Observer.'
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